We believe we can get a hearing at the South, or convey a knowledge of our sentiments to the southern mind, and that these sentiments are more potent than her prejudices and passions. In proof of it—
She is now constantly receiving numerous publications containing our views. There were, the last year, about five hundred regular southern subscribers to the publications of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The Cincinnati Philanthropist, the Alton Observer, the New York Evangelist, and scores of other papers, religious and political, have subscribers at the South, with whom from week to week they advocate this cause. Many valuable anti-slavery books are also doing a good work in the very midst of the evil. Several thousands of Miss Grimke’s Appeal, together with the writings of Jay, Child, Channing and others, are daily tearing off the mask from Slavery, and awakening the slumbering conscience of the South. Not unfrequently slave-holders themselves come to the anti-slavery office in New York and buy whole sets of our publications. The speeches of her Senators, and the messages of her Governors evince a better acquaintance with our writings and movements than the great men of the North can boast. Her own press is doing much to disseminate our sentiments. The United States Telegraph of February 18, 1837, edited by Duff Green, Washington, D. C., was nearly half filled with extracts from our prints. Her clergy by publishing apologies for slavery in refutation of our views, are also making these views known and waking up a spirit of inquiry. Indeed, such is human nature, and such is the course of the south, that we have come to believe she will not allow us at the north to think aloud on the subject of Slavery without knowing what we think and why we think so. She will not allow us to form and express opinions on this subject WITHOUT KNOWING OUR OPINIONS AND THE GROUNDS OF THEM. She is too much interested, and knows that we have too much power, to pass our sentiments by in utter contempt without even ascertaining them.
But were the free states completely abolitionized, not only the presses of the Anti-Slavery Societies, assisted by a few others, would carry our doctrines to the South; but all the religious, political and commercial papers of the North, indeed the whole body of our literature, would breathe the same spirit, would speak the same language. Were she, therefore, ever so much averse to the truth, these numberless publications, aided by the English press and by private correspondence, would force upon her a knowledge of our faith.
The social intercourse of the North and South would also afford us ample opportunities for publishing our sentiments. The citizens of every state in the Union are daily meeting in the steam-boats, coaches, rail-road cars and hotels of our country. We are constantly walking arm in arm with the South, so that she cannot fail to learn what we think of Slavery, and of the duty and pre-eminent safety of immediate emancipation. If we are decided Abolitionists, we shall certainly talk enough to let her know what we think and why we think so.
Many of the youth of the South must continue, as in times past, to be educated in the free states. Mr. Calhoun was educated at Yale College. Who can doubt that an influence might have been exerted on his mind, in relation to Slavery, of the most happy character, if the officers of that institution, if the surrounding community, if the literature of the day, had all breathed the spirit of Arthur Tappan and Gerritt Smith? There are now hundreds of southern youth in our schools, and hundreds will succeed them, whose minds would be set in deadly and deathless hostility to the robbery of God’s poor, were their teachers Abolitionists. Some think that in such an event, they would be kept at home. A few might be, but not all. The salubrity of our climate, the excellence of our institutions, the comparative purity of our morals, give us an advantage, that the more virtuous and intelligent of southern parents, would not relinquish, for fear that their sons should embrace views, which in their own hearts they must approve.
It should also be remembered, that we not only educate the most precious youth of the South, but we supply many of her pulpits, professorships, and shops with our own sons. The great body of southern merchants are northern men. Such is the genius of Slavery that this will continue to be the case. The result would be, were we all Abolitionists, that the adopted sons of the South would soon form a strong body of opposition to Slavery, laboring to overthrow it, by their votes, their arguments and their example. Some may think that lynch law would then drive us all from the South; or that we should be received there only on condition of letting Slavery alone. They are mistaken. Were we all Abolitionists, we should be defended. The national government would protect us. The constitution guarantees the rights of a citizen in all the states to the citizens of each state; and had the North been thoroughly abolitionized, she would have demanded and obtained redress for the blood of her innocent citizens, who have been hung without color of law, by southern ruffians. Be assured when we all become Abolitionists, an end will be put to the reign of terror in every part of the country. Men of all creeds and colors, will then go where they please, speak what they please, and do what they please, with perfect safety, so long as they commit no offence against just and impartial law.
The interests of a large class at the South must predispose them to favor our enterprise. Probably not more than half of the whites are directly interested in the continuance of Slavery. Many hire Slaves, who could on equally eligible terms, and with more peace of conscience, hire them as free laborers, were they emancipated. Some own land without slaves; and it is admitted, that immediately on the abolition of Slavery, the soil would rise in value, and continue to appreciate with the general improvement of the country. A multitude of the whites are too poor to own slaves, and too ignorant to obtain a living, except by manual labor, and Slavery makes that disreputable, and comparatively unprofitable. All these classes need only open their eyes, to see that Slavery is subversive of their interests: and we may therefore rationally calculate on having their attention and sympathy.
What we have already effected at the South, is a pledge of entire success, the moment the leading influences at the North shall second our efforts instead of counteracting them. Several hundred slaves have been set at liberty through the labors of those two distinguished Abolitionists, David Nelson and James G. Birney. We have heard of various other instances in which our doctrines have had such successful access to the southern mind. We will mention one. Some time since, in New York, a gentleman rose in a monthly concert of prayer for the slaves, and said: “I am a slave-holder from Virginia. I came to the North with violent prejudices against the Abolitionists, in consequence of what I read in northern papers; but I was determined to investigate the matter for myself. Accordingly I sought lodgings in the family of an Abolitionist, obtained and read your publications, and attended this monthly concert; and I am now convinced that not only your doctrines but your measures are righteous.” And he added, turning to two gentlemen who sat beside him, “these gentlemen are also slave-holders from Virginia, and my first converts to abolitionism; and I know a thousand men in Virginia, who if they could have the truth stated to them, would agree with us.” He then exhorted the Abolitionists present to go on, saying “you have only to correct the public sentiment of the North so that their papers shall not misrepresent you at the South, and THE WORK IS DONE.” Besides many such facts evincive of the power of truth over the southern mind, and proving that the leaven is working there, we have frequent admissions from the lips and pens of the defenders of Slavery at the South, that the Abolitionists are disturbing the conscience of her people, that there is more sympathy with them there than it would be prudent to acknowledge; that if the fanatics are suffered to go on they will succeed; that they may build up a body of public sentiment which the South cannot resist. These facts, these admissions, and the very nature of man, convince us that we have many allies at the South. The violence of the friends of Slavery, has forced them to a temporary silence; but no doubt many of them long to unburden their hearts, and are only waiting to be sustained by a healthy public sentiment among us.—Were we all Abolitionists, it would be less odious and less hazardous to avow our sentiments at the South; and she would find a body of Abolitionists on her own soil, too respectable to be despised—too strong to be resisted.
Our expectations of success in making known our sentiments to our southern brethren, are rendered still more sanguine, by the history of emancipation in the West Indies. It will be impossible for our countrymen, to close their eyes against the light, which the working of the British abolition act, will constantly throw on the duty and safety of immediate emancipation.
We are nevertheless told, with surprising assurance, by men great and small, that we have postponed the abolition of Slavery, at least half a century; that our ultra doctrines and violent measures have so incensed the South, that she has settled down in the inflexible determination to keep her slaves. Is this human nature? They who think so, seem to imagine that the work of reform must be carried on solely by coaxing and flattering the sinner: that a declaration of his guilt and of his duty, sufficiently plain and unequivocal to excite his displeasure, is the last way to bring him to repentance. We think otherwise. We take the anger of the South as a precious omen of success. The hit bird flutters. She shows herself conscious of the truth of our charges. Accuse a consistent temperance man of drunkenness, he will smile in your face; accuse the drunkard himself and he will be ready to fight you. The faithful reproof of sin always irritates the sinner, and his irritation continues until he either repents or forgets the admonition. Had our efforts produced no such sensation among slave-holders, we should be far more ready to despair. She believes unless this discussion is stopped, Slavery must cease, or else she will be disgraced in the eyes of the world, and exceedingly embarrassed and trammeled in the possession of her slaves. We do not, however, attribute all the wrath of the South against us, to awakened conscience, and the anticipation of our success. We have been shamefully misrepresented by northern papers and mobs, which have not hesitated to charge us with the worst of motives and the most hostile feelings towards the South; as if we would gladly involve her in a servile war. The belief of these calumnies has doubtless excited her worst passions; and the moment she learns the truth, it will create a re-action in our favor. Nor should it be overlooked that many of her own citizens have no sympathy for Slavery, and no strong prejudices against us. Facts also show that argument can appease this very wrath, to which our opponents attribute such indomitable energy. When the students of Lane Seminary, under the Presidency of the Rev. Dr. Beecher, commenced a discussion of the subject of Slavery, about fifteen young men from the South, all of them slave-holders or sons of slave-holders, were not a little incensed at the faithful exposure of Slavery by their fellow-students; but at the close of the discussion, all these young men, save one, were thorough going Abolitionists; and several of them are now lecturing in the free states for the purpose of correcting our public sentiment, as a necessary and infallible means of rectifying that of the South.