A Political History of the State of New York, Volumes 1-3

by De Alva Stanwood Alexander

Grover Cleveland's candidacy seemed not very important. He was not wholly unknown throughout the State. Lawyers recognised him as a prominent member of the profession, and politicians knew him as sheriff of Erie County in the early seventies and as the recently elected mayor of Buffalo. But people outside the Lake city knew nothing of his character for stubborn independence, uncompromising honesty, and fearless devotion to duty. His friends tried to tell the delegates that he insisted upon public officials treating the people's money as its trustees, and that he had promptly vetoed every departure from this rule. They claimed also that he could neither be coaxed nor constrained into the approval of men or measures that were not honest and proper, citing several illustrations that had greatly gratified and aroused his home people. This was the gist of Daniel N. Lockwood's short, happy, and forceful speech in presenting his name to the convention.

But such recommendations of candidates were not unusual, and although Erie and the surrounding counties mustered fifty or sixty votes, no movement toward Cleveland existed other than that growing out of the peculiar political situation. If Slocum and Flower failed, Nelson or Corning might benefit. Edward Murphy of Rensselaer, then mayor of Troy for the fourth term and closely associated with Manning in leadership, represented Corning with spirit, while the Dutchess friends of Homer A. Nelson exhibited their devotion by an energetic canvass. Yet Cleveland possessed one strategic point stronger than either of them. His absolute freedom from the political antagonisms of New York and King counties commended him to the County Democracy. This organisation of extraordinary leadership had tired of deals and quarrels. The hammering of Tilden, the sacrifice of Robinson, the defeat of Hancock, and the hold-up in the last Legislature made a new departure necessary, and it may be said with truth and without injustice that the night before the convention opened the nomination of Cleveland, if it could be accomplished, seemed to the County Democracy the wisest and safest result.

When the roll-call began Kelly, playing for position, divided Tammany's vote among the possible winners, giving Flower seven, Slocum six, Cleveland six, and Corning five. The County Democracy voted for Campbell. Corning's withdrawal and large secessions from Nelson and Belmont sent Slocum and Flower far in the lead on the second ballot, while Cleveland moved up five points with the help of Kelly and others. The County Democracy again voted for Campbell. On the third ballot a break was inevitable. Hutchins had remained stationary, Nelson and Belmont were practically out of the race, and Slocum and Flower stood even. It was now in the power of the County Democracy to nominate Slocum. Manning approved it and Murphy had already given him the Corning vote. But the County Democracy, inspired by men of prescience and of iron nerve, went to Cleveland in a body, making the hall resound with cheers. Had Tammany, the next delegation called, followed suit, Kelly might have divided with his opponents the honour of Cleveland's nomination. Instead, it practically voted as before. But Albany, Rensselaer, and other counties, catching the tide at its turn, threw the convention into a bedlam. Finally, when Kelly could secure recognition, he changed Tammany's vote to Cleveland.

To the tally-clerks Cleveland's nomination by two majority was known before the completion of the ballot. Yet upon the insistence of the Slocum men, because of confusion in making changes, the convention refused to receive the result and ordered another roll-call. This gave Cleveland eighteen votes to spare.[1023]

The result brought the Democrats into perfect accord for the first time in many years. It had come without the exercise of illegitimate influences or the incurrence of personal obligation. To no one in particular did Cleveland owe his nomination. Besides, his success as a politician, his character as a public official, and his enthusiastic devotion to the clients whose causes he championed, challenged the most careful scrutiny. He was then unmarried, forty-four years old, tall, stoutly-built, with a large head, dark brown hair, clear keen eyes, and a generous and kindly nature concealed under a slightly brusque manner. His sturdy old-fashioned rectitude, and the just conviction that by taste and adaptability for public life he had peculiar qualifications for the great office of governor, commended him to popular confidence. In Buffalo, where he had lived for a quarter of a century, people knew him as a man without guile.

Two days before Cleveland's nomination (September 20), the Republicans had selected Charles J. Folger, then secretary of the treasury. In character for honesty and ability the two men were not dissimilar, but the manner of their selection was antipodal. Of the five candidates who appealed to the convention, Cornell was the only real opponent of the Secretary.[1024] For more than a year, ever since he took office, in fact, Cornell had counted upon a renomination. He cleverly strengthened the State machine, surrounded himself with able lieutenants, and never failed to make appointments promotive of his ambition. The confirmation of Isaac V. Baker as superintendent of prisons with the aid of Tammany's three senators, especially illustrated his skill in reaching men. But he had done more than organise. His numerous vetoes called attention to his discriminating work, indicating honesty, efficiency, activity in promoting the people's interests, and fidelity to Republican principles. An honest public sentiment recognised these good features of his work. Indeed, his administration admittedly ranked with the best that had adorned the State for a century, and his friends, including Independents and many Stalwarts, rallied with energy to his support. It was known, too, that the wisdom of Blaine permeated his councils.

Nevertheless, Conkling and the President marked him for defeat. It was notorious that their hostility grew out of the Governor's passivity in the senatorial election, Arthur feeling the humiliation of that defeat scarcely less than Conkling, while memories of Crowley's failure and of the Governor's exultation had not faded. Conkling, not less bitter, had more recent cause for resentment. As the attorney of Jay Gould he had indicated a willingness to forgive and forget the past if the Governor would approve legislation favourable to the Gould properties. But Cornell, satisfied of its unfairness, courageously refused.[1025] When he did so he knew and subsequently declared, that if he had signed the bill, neither Gould nor Conkling would have opposed his renomination.[1026]

For these purely personal reasons an extraordinary situation was created, revealing the methods of purse and patronage by which the Gould-Conkling combine and the Administration got revenge. In their efforts in Folger's behalf delegates were coerced, and efficient officials at Albany, Brooklyn, Utica, and Ogdensburg, removed in the middle of their terms, were replaced by partisans of the President. Even after the patronage packed convention assembled the questionable methods continued. Gould's agent hovered about Saratoga. To secure the selection of a temporary chairman by the State committee, Stephen B. French, an intimate of Arthur, presented a fraudulent proxy to represent William H. Robertson.[1027] Had the convention known this at the moment of voting swift defeat must have come to the Administration, which barely escaped (251 to 243) by getting postmasters into line.[1028]

The candidacy of James W. Wadsworth, son of the famous general, and recently state-comptroller, likewise became a decoy for Folger. Wadsworth himself had no understanding with that wing. He was absolutely independent and unpledged. But the Stalwarts, in districts opposed to them, promoted the choice of such so-called Wadsworth delegates as could be captured by the persuasive plea for harmony, and under the stress of the second ballot, when Starin's and Robinson's support broke to Cornell, some of them voted for Folger. This gave the Administration's candidate eight more than the required number.[1029]