The belated platform, fulsomely eulogistic of Cornell, added to the indignation of the Independents, since it seemed a mockery to present what the Stalwarts did not offer until after a nomination. It gave still greater offence when the State Committee selected John F. Smyth as its chairman to conduct the campaign.[1030]
"It is hardly worth while analysing the influences which have contributed to this result," said the New York Times. "The fact is plain that the Gould-Conkling combination, backed by the power of the Federal Administration, has accomplished what it set out to do."[1031] Henry Ward Beecher in a Sunday evening sermon, said that "When Cornell went out, Avarice and Revenge kissed each other." Theodore L. Cuyler, then pastor of the Lafayette Avenue Presbyterian Church in Brooklyn, declared that he "stood by the cradle of the Republican party, but when it shunted off on the wrong track I will not go over the precipice with it."[1032] In hastening to deny that Harper's Weekly would support Folger, George William Curtis wrote: "Judge Folger's ability and character are not in question, but his nomination is. That nomination was procured by the combined power of fraud and patronage, and to support it would be to acquiesce in them as legitimate forces in a convention."[1033] The Buffalo Express, a vigorous and independent Republican journal, also bolted the ticket,[1034] an example followed by several other papers of similar character throughout the State. After the lapse of a fortnight, Hepburn, candidate for congressman-at-large, declined to accept because "it is quite apparent that a very large portion of the Republicans, owing to the unfortunate circumstances which have come to light since the adjournment of the convention, are not disposed to accept its conclusion as an authoritative utterance of the party."[1035]
Folger was not suspected of any personal complicity with unfair dealing, but the deep and general Republican dissatisfaction greatly disturbed him. His friends urged him to withdraw. Stewart L. Woodford, then United States attorney, insisted that fraud and forgery vitiated all the convention did, and that the "short, direct, and honourable way out of it was to refuse the nomination."[1036] The Kings County executive committee assured him that many influential Republicans considered this the wisest course. From prominent men in all parts of the State came similar advice. This view appealed to his own better judgment, and he had decided so to act until persuaded otherwise by the pleadings of the Stalwarts.[1037] His acceptance, recalling the Tilden letter of 1880, was a touching appeal to the voters. Referring to the fraudulent practices, he said: "No one claims, no one believes, that I had lot or part therein, or previous hint or suspicion thereof. I scorn an end to be got by such means. I will not undertake to measure the truth of all these reports; that of one is beyond dispute."[1038] Nevertheless, Folger could not deny that he was a willing recipient of that "one," through the influence of which, by creating the impression that Robertson and other anti-Administration leaders favoured the Stalwart's choice of a temporary chairman, he gained a much greater power in the convention than his eight majority represented.[1039]
In accepting the Democratic nomination Cleveland had the great advantage of not being obliged to refer to anything of which he was ashamed. Its tone was simple, sober, and direct, and from the principles expressed, the measures advocated, or the language employed, the reader could form no idea to what party the writer belonged. He desired primary elections to be "uncontaminated and fairly conducted"; condemned the interference of "officials of any degree, State or Federal, for the purpose of thwarting or controlling the popular wish"; favoured tenure of office in the civil service being dependent upon "ability and merit"; and denounced the levying of political assessments, declaring "the expenditure of money to influence the action of the people at the polls or to secure legislation is calculated to excite the gravest concern."[1040]
The campaign became historic because it revealed the most serious disturbance in the Republican party since the war. Little was heard save apology, indignant protest, and appeal to tradition. Whatever Republican hope existed was based upon the unworthiness of the Democratic party. In a letter to an Albany meeting Folger declared, after highly praising his opponent, that "There is one difference which goes to the root of the matter when we are brought to view as public men and put forward to act in public affairs. He is a Democrat. I am a Republican." Then, becoming an alarmist, he referred to the shrinkage in the value of stocks on the day after the Democratic victory in Ohio. "That shrinkage has been going on ever since," he said. "Do the business interests of the country dread a return of the Democratic party to power? Will the election of Cleveland increase it? These are questions for hesitating Republicans to ponder."[1041] This Stock Exchange view of politics, redolent of the operations of brokers in Wall Street, did not help the Republican candidate. Curtis thought it, coming from the Secretary of the Treasury, "most extraordinary."[1042] Besides, the decline in the stock market began before the Ohio election, when conditions indicated Republican success.
The local campaign in the metropolis assumed more life. In spite of its avowed purpose to rid the city of dishonest political tricksters, the County Democracy made bedfellows of Tammany and Irving Hall, and nominated Franklin Edson for mayor. This union was the more offensive because in its accomplishment the Whitney organisation turned its back upon Allan Campbell, its choice for governor, whom a Citizens' Committee, with Republican support, afterwards selected for mayor. Campbell as city-comptroller was familiar with municipal affairs, and of the highest integrity, independence, and courage. His friends naturally resented the indignity, and for ten days an effective canvass deeply stirred New York.
Nevertheless, the Republican party was doomed. Managers beckoned hope by frequent assertions, sometimes in the form of bulletins, that the indignation was subsiding. Smyth and his State Committee disclaimed any part in the wrong-doing by expressing, in the form of a resolution, their "detestation of the forged proxy, and of all the methods and purposes to which such wretched fraud and treachery apply."[1043] Even the nominee for lieutenant-governor argued that he was an honest man. But the people had their own opinion, and a count of the votes showed that Folger, in spite of his pure and very useful life, had been sacrificed,[1044] while Cleveland had a majority greater than was ever known in a contested State election. It was so astounding that Democrats themselves did not claim it, in the usual sense, as a Democratic victory.[1045] Everybody recognised it as a rebuke to Executive dictation and corrupt political methods. But no one denied that Cleveland helped swell the majority. He became known as the "Veto Mayor," and the history of his brief public life was common knowledge. His professional career, unlike Tilden's, disclosed no dark spots. He had been an honest lawyer as well as an upright public official, and the people believed that his stubborn independence and sturdy integrity would make him a real governor, the enemy of rings and bosses, and the foe of avarice and revenge.