CHAPTER VII
1849
Sagan, January 11, 1849.—M. Arago has at length left Berlin, where he is detested. There seems to be some idea that the Prince of the Moskowa will come as French Minister, though it is not thought likely that he will make a long stay. The Grand Duchess Stephanie is going to Paris, but will probably do no more than make a hurried and agitated visit to her cousin, the President of the Republic, and obtain some small reflection of his Imperial grandeur. However, Princess Mathilde will not leave him the pleasure of doing the honours of the Presidency, which she seems to have reserved for herself. The whole business can hardly be taken seriously.[ [180]
Sagan, January 18, 1849.—The meetings preliminary to the Prussian elections give no great hope of a definite result. The Brandenburg Ministry, lest it should be accused of reaction, is pursuing the barren paths of Liberalism. The Grand Duchess Stephanie, who seems to have been aroused from long unconsciousness of my existence, writes in great depression and anxiety concerning the fate of the German Rhine provinces. Apparently the Grand Duke of Baden has threatened to withdraw her settlements if she spends them in France. I have also a letter full of dignity and affectionate trust from the Duchesse d'Orléans. I propose to go to Dresden next week, to spend a few days there with my sister.
Dresden, January 28, 1849.—At Frankfort the future head of Germany was refused hereditary rights and even life tenure of power, and it therefore seems impossible that the King of Prussia could undertake a position of this kind.[ [181] This was a clever Austrian intrigue to disqualify the King, and to overthrow the whole of this ridiculous and abominable invention, which has produced nothing but ruin and disorder. The Prussian elections are not very hopeful, not so unfavourable as those of last year, but very far from giving rise to any real hope. What could be expected from the electoral law which has been granted here? We have mad Chambers, which no one can govern and no one dare dissolve. I found the Saxon Court very sad. Dresden is full of people, but it is difficult to meet any one.
Sagan, February 12, 1849.—I passed through Berlin on my return journey. The town is now swarming with little German princes, asking for mediatisation as the only means of safety; they offer themselves to Prussia, who refuses them for scrupulous reasons of every kind. Prussia thinks it dangerous to set such an example; tradition and the historical past of the monarchy are also influential forces; in short, these poor princes will all go as they have come, and in spite of the somewhat vague promises of protection which they have received as a crumb of comfort, they will probably be driven out of their homes some day or other and reduced to beggary. Count von Bülow, Prussian Minister at Frankfort, is inclined to support the Frankfort Assembly; Charlottenberg takes the contrary view; the result is an unpleasant hitch in proceedings, while the relations between Kremsier and Berlin are characterised by marked coldness, to the great displeasure of the King. I know nothing of this M. de Lurde who is taking the place of M. Arago as French Minister at Berlin, but he may easily appear to advantage in comparison with his predecessor, who could speak only of the great-heartedness and the noble soul of Barbès!
Sagan, March 1, 1849.—If I am to believe letters from Paris, there is a general revival in progress, and a complete reaction in favour of order and prosperity. Praises of the new President are general. M. Thiers said of him, "He is not Cæsar, but he is Augustus." The Legitimists throng his rooms, and after the ball nothing could be heard but the shouts of servants—"The carriage of Madame la Duchesse, of M. le Prince," &c. The President is addressed as Monseigneur, a title anything but Republican. I am told that this practice is followed in the provinces. I must say that I rather distrust these sudden changes, but the present moment seems satisfactory.
Sagan, March 31, 1849.—The political horizon causes me much anxiety. Clouds seem to be rising once more, instead of dispersing. This unfortunate proposal of an Imperial Crown does not tempt the King, but pleases those about him, the young officers of the bureaucracy, whose petty pride finds matter for self-satisfaction. The Left, perfidiously supporting the proposal, are well aware that the so-called Imperial dignity would subject the King to the orders of the democratic professors of Frankfort. The bad weather and the abominable state of the roads delay the subjugation of Hungary.[ [182] The only consolation is the success of Radetzky, and this has been gained at what a price! We have no details yet of his last two victories, and have only heard of the abdication of Charles Albert. The actual names of the victims are unknown.[ [183]
Sagan, April 13, 1849.—Kind Lady Westmoreland gave me the pleasant surprise of a two days' visit; she arrived yesterday to my great delight. She is a clever, lively, affectionate, and really charming friend, with warm memories of the late M. de Talleyrand, and talks of the past and the present with keen interest and intelligence. We discussed pleasant memories in England; tried as we both are by the sadness of the present time, we prefer to avoid melancholy contemplation of so deplorable a subject and to look backwards, recovering some of those precious memories which I should be inclined to style "the savings of my heart." Thus I take refuge in the past as I dare not question the future.
Sagan, April 21, 1849.—Yesterday I received letters from Paris which say that, notwithstanding the efforts of the Union in the Rue de Poitiers,[ [184] communism is making great progress in France.
It is thought at Berlin that the Frankfort parliament will pursue a wholly revolutionary course and form an executive committee and a committee of public safety. In that case it would bring troops from Baden and Nassau in the certainty that the garrison of Mayence would not be led against Frankfort, and able thus to profit by the continual vacillation of Prussia.[ [185] The asserted adherence of twenty-eight little German governments is sheer effrontery, as their agreement is only conditional: they will only join the Prussian banner if, following the example of these little governments, Prussia submits to the constitution drawn up at Frankfort. The four kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Hanover, and Würtemberg refuse their assent.