Were it not for the affairs of Denmark, Prussia would be able to fortify herself at home, a necessity which she is far from meeting at present, and make head against the Frankfort storm; but General von Pritwitz has submitted to the so-called Frankfort government.[ [186] Denmark would not be likely to treat with a Government so irregularly constituted. The solution of the difficulty is not easy to see. The King, who is at bottom kindly disposed towards the King of Denmark and is afraid of Russia,[ [187] continues to oppose the occupation of Jutland.
Sagan, April 30, 1849.—The state of Germany does not improve. The King of Würtemberg has now yielded because his troops declared that they would not fire upon the people.[ [188] The Frankfort parliament is also adopting the most revolutionary means to force the sovereigns to submit to its laws.[ [189] The parliament insists that governments shall not dissolve their Chambers without the permission of the so-called central government. This wonderful decree reached Hanover and Berlin six hours after the dissolutions had been officially announced. General von Pritwitz wishes to be relieved of his command against the Danes because he is unwilling to obey orders from Frankfort and cannot command all the little German princes who severally wish to pose as masters. Denmark has already captured a large number of Prussian merchant-ships. At Copenhagen, however, there is a desire for peace; Russia and England are also anxious for peace and so is Prussia, though Berlin cannot find courage to recall the twenty thousand men now stationed in Holstein and Schleswig. Frankfort is utterly opposed to peace, with the object of depriving the German princes of their troops and thus leaving them defenceless against the hordes of revolutionaries. In short, confusion is at its height and I think the state of Germany is far worse than it was four months ago. However, the dissolution of the Prussian Chamber which had become urgent since the Red Republic was proclaimed from the Tribune, will perhaps do some good.[ [190] It is especially necessary that the Austrian operations in Hungary should come to an end. Our fate will be decided there. Russia has entered Transylvania with a hundred thousand men: this number is regarded at Olmütz as unnecessarily large, but the Emperor Nicholas has declared that he will run no risks of a second failure such as that of Hermannstadt,[ [191] and that he will either hold aloof altogether or insist upon sending an imposing force. He also feels that he is fighting his personal enemies, the Poles, upon Hungarian soil. Twenty thousand Poles are said to follow the standards of Bem and Kossuth.
Sagan, May 10, 1849.—Storms are breaking in every direction and Germany is in a state of conflagration. There has been fighting at Dresden and at Breslau.[ [192] The Russians have used the Prussian railways to invade Moravia; they have been warmly welcomed, for anything which will check the Hungarian struggle or bring it to an end will be a blessing not only for Austria, but for the whole of Europe, for the proceedings in Hungary encourage the disaffected, and foment insurrection in every direction.
Sagan, May 17, 1849.—To-day is a solemn date which I keep whenever it comes round with heartfelt and painful emotion.[ [193] The nearer the years bring me to a final reunion, the more do I feel the serious and decisive nature of the event that happened eleven years ago. May God bless each of those who bore themselves as Christians should on that occasion. This I ask of Him amid my misery with a fervour which will, I trust, make my poor prayers acceptable.
Sagan, May 25, 1849.—It is a real misfortune for the Prussian Government to have Bunsen at London. He is there playing an inconceivable part. Radowitz, whose intentions are excellent, but who is quite misled, is also complicating the situation at Berlin itself and is preventing the desirable and speedy solutions of certain questions. The King of Prussia has sent General von Rauch to Warsaw, to try and sooth the Emperor Nicholas, who is angry that the Prussians should have entered Jutland in spite of the promise given.[ [194]
Sagan, May 31, 1849.—With regard to the negotiations opened at Berlin, I have the following upon excellent authority:[ [195] Four days ago a protocol was signed at Berlin between Prussia, Saxony and Hanover stating: (1) Everything that has been done to grant a reasonable and satisfactory Constitution to Germany; (2) That Hanover and Saxony in their desire to maintain order in their states, recognise and accept the military superiority of Prussia in the case of any measures that may become necessary to maintain peace within their states. Herr von Beust none the less makes the following reservations in the name of the Saxon Government: (1) That Saxony does not claim by this arrangement to infringe the rights of Austria as a member of the Germanic Confederation; (2) That if the great states in Southern Germany decline to adhere to the Constitution appended to the protocol, Saxony shall have the right to withdraw; (3) That this Constitution is to receive the sanction of the Saxon Chambers. Hanover has handed in a note containing identically the same reservations. The new Constitution has been explained in a circular note addressed by Prussia to all the German governments, inviting them to adhere. The Bavarian Minister, Herr von Lerchenfeld, has also signed the protocol, but only as a member of the conference and in the hope that his Government will find some means or other of adhering to the arrangement. Herr von Prokesch has been present only at the first conference, as Radowitz then declared from the outset that he could not treat with governments which would not recognise the general superiority of Prussia as a basis of negotiation. The haughty conduct of Radowitz is undoubtedly the cause of this deplorable want of unanimity among the crowned heads, at a time when indissoluble union is so necessary. With a little cleverness and without putting forward the question of supremacy as preliminary, he might have done great services to his King and to his country, for the other states would then have unanimously requested Prussia to take the leading position, whereas now they are inclined to regard these dictatorial claims as the expression of views more ambitious than any that are really entertained. The result is jealousy and distrust which drown the voice of reason and blind men's eyes to the necessities of the times. Notwithstanding the presence of a new Danish envoy in Berlin, even an armistice seems very far distant. The last Danish concessions, though supported by Lord Palmerston, were haughtily declined by Prussia, which is making impossible claims and asserts that these alone can satisfy her honour.
Sagan, June 12, 1849.—Cholera has again broken out almost everywhere in this part of Germany; at Breslau, Berlin, and Halle the inhabitants have been decimated. In short, the state of the human race is most deplorable. My correspondents tell me that Lord Palmerston told Bunsen that he was tired of the Prussian demands, which required increasingly large concessions from Denmark, and that he proposed to abandon his position as mediator and become an active ally in conjunction with Russia for the protection of Denmark. Bunsen in relating this conversation to his Court added that the threat was not seriously intended. In this he is wrong, and is also deluding his Court.
Sagan, July 9, 1849.—I have had a visit from Baron von Meyendorff, Russian Minister at Berlin. He was going to Gastein by way of Warsaw, which is not the shortest route. His forecast of the situation was very gloomy, and more gloomy with reference to the north than to the south of Germany—I mean to say that he felt more forebodings concerning the nature of the Prussian destinies than of the Austrian.
Sagan, September 3, 1849.—General Count Haugwitz has been staying here for a few days; he came from Vienna where Radetzky was expected. The young Emperor, in order to receive the old Ajax, had delayed his departure for Warsaw, where he is going to thank his powerful ally. The latter is behaving most loyally and nobly towards his young friend and ward, for thus he considers the Emperor Francis Joseph. Paskewitch asked for mercy for Georgei which was immediately granted to him.[ [196] Austria is anxious that a few Russian regiments should prolong their stay in Galicia for the moment.
Hanover, November 5, 1849.—Yesterday morning was spent in calling upon several acquaintances in the town and paying my respects to the Crown Princess. She is kind and gentle, and I saw her two children with her. The third is expected this month. The Crown Princess showed me several very interesting portraits of her family. I was especially struck by those of the Electress Sophie, the patroness of Leibnitz and the ancestress of the Royal Family of England. She must have been very pretty, with the somewhat long and noble features of the Stuarts. I also saw a charming portrait of the sister of the Crown Princess, the Grand Duchess of Russia, wife of the Grand Duke Constantine, a clever, lively and striking face; her character is said to correspond with her expression, which fact makes her more suitable for the Court of St. Petersburg than she would be here, where her elder sister seem to have been expressly made to fulfil her sad duties.[ [197] There was a great dinner given by the King. I sat between him and the Crown Prince. I never saw a blind man eat more cleverly without any help except that of instinct or habit. At nine o'clock I went back to tea with the King, which was taken privately with him and the person known here as the Countess Royal (Frau von Grote), my brother-in-law and General Walmoden. The King lives upon oysters and ices, a strange dietary, which seems to suit his eighty years marvellously. While we were with him a despatch arrived from Vienna, which he asked the Countess to read aloud.[ [198] It stated that Austria had sent a note to Prussia in most serious language, protesting against the convocation of the so-called Imperial Diet, and that at the same time the movement of the army towards the frontiers of Bohemia and Silesia was rapidly proceeding; some sixty thousand men were said to be there concentrated. Prince Schwarzenberg replied to the questions of Count Bernstorff, the Prussian Minister at Vienna, stating that the convocation of the Diet at Erfurt had aroused democratic agitation which threatened the realm of the Duchess of Saxony, and that these troops were consequently intended for their protection and their defence in case of necessity.