Sagan, November 13, 1850.—The first collision between the Prussians and the Austro-Bavarians has already taken place near Fulda.[ [245] The official or Ministerial gazette die Deutsche Reform, which appears twice daily at Berlin, brought me the news. It says that the Prussians were the first to fire; that the Austrians had not even loaded their guns, so that several were wounded and were unable to defend themselves; that a misunderstanding was the cause of the conflict; and that after this skirmish the Prussian General, von Gröben, fell back beyond Fulda. The account is preceded by a very pacific leading article. Meanwhile it seems that Bernstorff has actually gone to Berlin, but only for the purpose of refusing the Ministerial post which had been offered to him. Confusion is thus complete. Since the trumpet-blast of war resounded, every one is absorbed by the thoughts, the predictions, and the arrangements which so engrossing an occurrence naturally produces. However, I have decided not to stir from here; I think it is bad policy to abandon one's home in the hour of danger, and a course of action which is almost always regretted.
Sagan, November 15, 1850.—My brother-in-law came back yesterday from Berlin where he had left a state of peace. The King had visited the Austrian Minister; a long explanation took place which began with some temper and afterwards grew calm. Eventually they separated in mutual satisfaction. I can only pray that nothing but good may result from this explanation and that no further clouds will come to obscure the horizon. Radowitz has so infuriated the Prince of Prussia that in a council held upon the return of the Count of Brandenburg from Warsaw in which Radowitz preached peace, the Prince accused him of treachery to his country in no measured terms. The poor Count felt this reproach so deeply that it is generally thought to have been the cause of his death. The fact remains that in his delirium this scene was continually before his mind and caused him the greatest uneasiness. It reminds me of the quarrel between the Dauphin and Marshal Marmont at Saint-Cloud in the month of July 1830.
Austria is willing to regard the attack near Fulda as due to chance and not as inspired by any premeditation. Both sides seem anxious to pursue peace, and Austria is sensible enough to lend herself to anything that will shield Prussian pride during this forced retreat. The Austrians have resolved to send twenty-five thousand men to Schleswig-Holstein to finish the difficulties there. The most troublesome point between Vienna and Berlin is Hanover. Austria wishes that Hanover should give free passage to her troops, while Berlin is anxious that Hanover should not grant this concession. I think this is the only outstanding point which could throw us back into the anguish of war.
I am very curious to know what impression Madame Swetchine has made upon you.[ [246] She is old and ugly but clever and well educated, pleasant and insinuating, and entirely suited for the profession she has followed for the last thirty years. I have been always surprised that those who are religious by profession and who should always be considering their own consciences, should yet find so much time to deal with the consciences of others.
Sagan, November 18, 1850.—For several days the chances have been in favour of peace. Apparently the conferences which are to settle the fate of Germany will be begun at Dresden on December 1, and Russia undertakes the guarantee which Austria and Prussia simultaneously claim, while the disarmament of the two Powers will go on simultaneously, if agreed upon.[ [247] At the same time, we cannot absolutely deny every possibility of war. The Democratic party, for instance, which is fairly strong in the Chambers to be opened on the 21st; the personal ambitions of those who do not belong to this party, but who are foolish enough to think that if they join its shouts for war they will be able to muzzle it afterwards; personal hatred, foolish vanity, patriots with their silly love of glory and all that is most inappropriately termed the national honour, are influences now working, and Manteuffel is obliged to maintain the struggle alone. He is accused of having already sold himself to Russia and to Austria! Perhaps the forces which France, according to the newspapers, is sending to the banks of the Rhine, will provide food for reflection.
Sagan, November 29, 1850.—The Minister, Manteuffel, left Berlin yesterday to keep an appointment with Prince Schwarzenberg;[ [248] there is no reason to suppose that this interview will further the cause of peace. It is also said that the Chambers will be prorogued. Whatever solution may be attained, every one must be prepared.
Sagan, December 1, 1850.—All the railways are crowded by troop trains, and in spite of this military energy, which continues to increase, people are still betting that peace will be secured. Baron Manteuffel passed near here a few hours ago in a special train for Berlin; in this railway carriage our destinies are contained.[ [249] Baron von Meyendorff was present at the interview, and doubtless his influence was weighty and helped to turn the scale. I have also been told that the Elector of Hesse is helping to simplify the matter by declaring that he has no wish for either Austrian or Prussian help, and is capable of reducing his subjects to obedience unaided.
The castle court is full of waggons, carriages, and horses; the castle is full of officers of high rank, and the villages are full of soldiers; everything is in a bustle; drums are beating, trumpets sounding, and yet the whole may be nothing more than a military parade at once ridiculous and burdensome.
Sagan, December 3, 1850.—Letters and newspapers from France have not come in for several days; this delay is doubtless due to the movements of the troops, which have delayed and disorganised both the regularity and the safety of the railways. Such irregularity in the delivery of letters is a misfortune which I feel deeply at this moment, which is a serious time for me in every respect, as my house has just been the scene of a tragedy. One of the officers of high rank—a talented man, and much esteemed in the army, rich and respected—has blown out his brains in consequence of some service dispute. He had dined with me a few hours previously, and gave no sign that he had determined on the fatal act. He has left a letter in which he explains his motives for this action, and the arrangements he desires to be made. In it he thanks me for my kindly welcome, and apologises for the act which he was proposing to commit under my hospitable roof. This event has affected us all deeply. The poor man has just been buried amid the universal regret of the detachment; the funeral was not carried out with military honours on account of the suicide, but it was honoured by the tears of all those who had served with and under the deceased man.
To-day we shall know how the Chambers have welcomed the arrangement which Manteuffel and Schwarzenberg have agreed upon; the matter must have been discussed yesterday. A stormy and hostile feeling prevailed, and in any case the contest will have been keen. Herr von Ladenberg had offered his resignation, as he declines peace at any price. If the Chambers show themselves too intractable, will the authorities have the courage to dissolve them, and exercise the rights of making peace and war which the Constitution guarantees to the King, or will they yield before the outcries of the democracy and their dupes who fill the Prussian Chambers? That is the question. One might bet with equal certainty upon either issue, so impossible is it to rely upon a consistent or regular policy when definite resolutions are required.