I have a letter from Potsdam, dated November 30, from which the following is an extract: "Our excellent Sovereign has seemed greatly depressed during the illness and the death of Count Brandenburg, the fall of Radowitz, the keen discussions with the Prince of Prussia, and the determination to mobilise the army; but he has shown keen repugnance for the Gerlach party,[ [250] and for Herr von Manteuffel, and great exasperation at the insulting threats of Russia to occupy the eastern province as Hesse is occupied. Then, after a terrible inward struggle, the King has recovered his calm with reference to the arrangements for peace, and has become almost affectionate towards Herr von Manteuffel; he has also resolved to send him with the Prince of Schwarzenberg. The King hopes to preserve peace."
I have also another letter which says: "The Russian Court has officially notified the other Courts of its strict neutrality in purely German affairs, though this does not apply to the Holstein affair. On this question the reserve is made that if any one Power should claim to prevent the passage of Federal troops, Russia would oppose such claim by force. The London and Paris Cabinets had recognised the same right in the case of Denmark, and have undertaken to leave Russia a free hand. The King of Denmark asked the Emperor Nicholas for twelve thousand men, and the Emperor replied that he would send a hundred and twenty thousand."
Sagan, December 5, 1850.—The following are some details which reached me from an authentic source: Baron Manteuffel arrived on Thursday, November 28, at five o'clock in the evening, at Olmütz, and the conference between himself and Prince Schwarzenberg immediately began and lasted till half-past twelve. The first interview led to no result, and Manteuffel declared his intention of leaving the place an hour later by the night train; Prince Schwarzenberg made no offer to detain him; on the contrary, he rang the bell and ordered the carriage to take the Baron back to the station; at that moment Herr von Meyendorff intervened, and begged the two diplomatic champions to make trial of a second interview the next day. Schwarzenberg and Manteuffel consented, and their conference was resumed the next morning at nine o'clock and continued till five in the evening. The former had spoken in the course of the previous evening with such frankness concerning the equivocal policy of Prussia, that Herr von Manteuffel was obliged to tell him that he could not listen to such language. During the second interview he showed more self-control and more readiness to make concessions, and eventually the conference ended in the following result: Prussia will occupy the military road in Hesse, but will allow the Austrian troops to make use of it for the pacification of the country; Cassel is to have a garrison composed partly of Austrians and partly of Prussians; the domestic affairs of Hesse are to be arranged by two Commissioners appointed by Austria and Prussia; the question of Schleswig will also be discussed by two Commissioners, representing each of the great Powers; Denmark and Holland will be requested to reduce their military forces by two-thirds, and if it should be necessary to bring up troops to secure this result, Austria declares herself indifferent upon the question as to which Power is to undertake the operation; in such an event she will allow Prussia to take the matter in hand alone or to entrust the task to one of the other Powers in the Germanic Confederation. The general interests of Germany are to be discussed in the free conferences held at Dresden. Prince Schwarzenberg had given no clear explanation of the basis upon which he will regard these interests as established, but he has consented that the Frankfort Diet should be suspended while the Dresden conferences are in progress. Stipulations have also been made that Prussia should set the example of disarmament, but that the moment when disarmament is to be begun shall depend upon the will of the King of Prussia. This latter article is, I think, kept strictly secret. The King has shown great satisfaction with these results; however, he could not help saying aloud at table that Manteuffel had only secured what Radowitz, the most German of all his Ministers, had demanded.
In the Prussian Chambers discussion had been marked by strong and violent feeling. The result has been an adjournment till January 3. Embarrassment will arise in Parliament on the question of money. Will the Chambers vote the money which has been expended in preparations now found to be useless? It is thought that they will not. There is talk of a direct appeal from the King to the Powers and to the goodwill of his subjects. We shall see what effect will be produced upon the provinces and the country at large by the return of the Deputies to their homes during the month of adjournment. This period will probably be spent in every kind of intrigue and in stirring public feeling, and as such efforts can be complicated by representing the pecuniary sacrifice as pure loss, very unpleasant incidents may be the consequence. We are thus entering upon a new phase.
Sagan, December 9, 1850.—At the present moment all eyes are turned to Dresden. In five days the conferences are to be opened, and as these poor provinces have been exhausted by the concentration of the troops, it is of urgent importance that the disarmament should be quickly begun; they can no longer maintain the troops upon a war footing, as they will be literally ruined by them if they are not turned into an enemy's country.
Sagan, December 11, 1850.—Count Stolberg, the son of the former Minister, who is stationed at a neighbouring hamlet and has just arrived from Berlin, came to dine here and spend the evening. He is well informed of the course of events at Sans Souci. He has assured me that the authorities have decided to carry matters to extremes with the Chambers if they do not show themselves tractable upon their return. A dissolution will then take place, and as a more amenable Chamber is not probable under the present detestable electoral law, there is an idea of modifying this law by a coup d'état, or an attempt will be made to do without the Chambers by means of a temporary dictatorship, or by an appeal to the people. I must confess that I have great doubts whether the authorities have sufficient courage to carry matters with so high a hand; at the same time, I must admit that things have reached the stage at which we must either pass under the pitiless yoke of the democracy or take the bull by the horns.
Sagan, December 18, 1850.—The Dresden conferences have been adjourned to the 23rd, and there is no idea of disarmament upon any serious scale until their decisions are known. The state of war continues with disastrous results. Those who complain are told that effective remonstrance can only be made under arms. However, to soothe the feelings of Austria, the newspapers publish announcements that the disarmament is beginning, which is only true to a very small extent.
Sagan, December 22, 1850.—I hear from Berlin that the Cabinet has been completed and strengthened with Conservative elements; a good sign, but I shall require twelve signs, like those of the Zodiac, to give me any confidence in their consistency.
Berlin, December 28, 1850.—News from Berlin is entirely peaceful. Schwarzenberg has been received with many marks of distinction, though the troops are still kept under arms. The officers now say that the war footing is continued in agreement with Russia and Austria in order to reduce the little recalcitrant States who look for French support. We shall see.