[186] Flor. Wig. 1088. “Jure regio, militari, ut impiger, fretus audacia, mittit legatos, vocat quos sibi credit fidos, vadit Lundoniam, belli tractaturus negotia, expeditionis provisum, necessaria.”

[187] See above, [p. 29].

[188] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ac Englisce men swa þeah fengon to þam cynge heora hlaforde on fultume.” The numbers come from Orderic (667A); “Anglorum triginta millia tunc ad servitium regis sponte sua convenerunt.”

[189] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Passim per totum Albionem impera, omnesque rebelles deice regali justitia.”

[190] Ib. “Viriliter age, ut regis filius et legitime ad regnum assumptus; securus in hoc regno dominare omnibus.”

[191] Ord. Vit. 667 A. “Solerter Anglorum rimare historias, inveniesque semper fidos principibus suis Angligenas.” Fancy William Rufus sitting down to study the Chronicles, as his brother Henry may likely enough have done.

[192] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Ferdon þa toweard Hrofeceastre and woldon þone bisceop Odan begytan, þohtan gif hi hæfdon hine, þe wæs ærur heafod to þam unræde, þæt hi mihton þe bet begytan ealla þa oðre.”

[193] It is somewhat singular that, though Richard appears in Domesday as “Ricardus de Tonebrige” as well as “Ricardus filius Gisleberti comitis” (14 et al.), and though his “leva” or “lowy” (see Ellis, i. 212) is often spoken of, yet Tunbridge castle itself is not entered. See on Richard of Bienfaite, Clare, or Tunbridge, N. C. vol. ii. p. 196; iv. 579. A singular story is told in the Continuation of William of Jumièges (viii. 15), how Tunbridge was granted in exchange for Brionne, and measured by the rope. See Appendix S.

[194] At Tunbridge the mound and the gateway stand side by side, as indeed they do, though less conspicuously, at Arundel and Lewes. A wall is built from the gateway to the keep on the mound, losing itself, as it were, in the side of the mound. The mound thus stands half within and half without the enclosure formed by the gateway.

[195] Chron. Petrib. 1088. “Þa Englisce men ferdon and tobræcon þone castel, and þa men þe þærinne wæron griðodon wið þone cyng,” So Simeon of Durham; “Sed viriliter Angli insilientes in illud, destruxerunt totum castrum, et qui intus erant in manus regi dederunt.” Florence gives some further details; “Tunebrycgiam cui præerat Gilebertus filius Ricardi, contrarium sibi invenit: obsedit, in biduo expugnavit, vulneratum Gilebertum cum castello ad deditionem coegit.” Is it possible that, according to Orderic’s second account of the rebellion (765 A, B), we are still only in the Easter week?