In Paris this year “all went merry as a marriage bell.” After the treaty of Vienna at the close of 1809, Napoleon caused it to be intimated to Josephine that she must be supplanted by an imperial bride; and she submitted to his will. His divorce with the faithful Josephine was soon followed by his marriage with the daughter of the Emperor of Austria. On the 11th of March Berthier, acting as his proxy, received, in the palace of Schonbrunn, the hand of the Archduchess Maria Louisa, who soon left the home of her fathers for France. The act of divorcement from Josephine and Napoleon’s marriage with the Austrian Princess received the sanction of the senate, who in an address expressed their gratitude for the steps he had taken, and predicted that this “child and champion of democracy” would live to see children and grandchildren, who would perpetuate his empire and the glory of France. Yet it was manifest, even to Napoleon himself, that his marriage was looked upon by the nation at large with dislike. His own clergy, in fact, were ashamed of the scene of the celebration of the marriage at St. Cloud, deeming it neither more nor less than an act of bigamy, while very few of the cardinals or prelates would sanction it by their presence, As for the mass of the people, among them there was a great party that still loathed the name of hereditary monarchy, and that thought it monstrous that a son of the revolution should ally himself with a branch of the “corporation of tyrants.” His marriage, in a word, was universally admitted to be a capital error in his political career. Mignet says:—“Napoleon quitted his position and part as a parvenu and revolutionary monarch, who had been acting in Europe against the ancient courts, as the republic had acted against the ancient governments; he placed himself in a bad situation with respect to Austria, which he ought to have crushed after his victory of Wagram, or to have re-established in her possessions after his marriage with the Archduchess. Solid alliances repose only upon real interests, and Napoleon could deprive the cabinet of Vienna neither of the will nor the power to fight him again. This marriage changed also the character of his empire, and separated it still more from the popular feelings and interests; for he now sought after the old French families to decorate his court, and he did all that he could in order to mix and unite together the ancient noblesse and his new noblesse, even as he had mixed royal dynasties.” Men were not wanting, however, who thought they saw in this union the guarantee of the welfare of the world and the beginning of a golden age; who conceived that this connexion of the favourite of fortune with one of the most illustrious houses of Christendom would reconcile the revolution with its opponents. “But after fortune had done everything for her ungrateful bosom-child; after the Corsican master of war had arrived to such a degree of glory and power as no mortal had attained before him, he wantonly overthrew by his insatiable ambition the colossal edifice of his grandeur.” Some of the acts which tended to his final downfall have been recorded in previous pages: this year added to their number. In the first place, the territory of the Prince Primas was augmented by Hanan and Fulda, and elevated to the grand duchy of Frankfort; but it was declared the hereditary portion of Prince Eugene Beauharnois, because for the future no temporal dominion was to be united with spiritual dignities. At the same time the remnant of the electorate of Hanover was adjoined to the kingdom of Westphalia, reserving a certain revenue for France: and other decrees equally despotic regulated the aggrandizements of Bavaria and Wurtemberg. But one of the most despotic acts which was committed by Napoleon during this year had reference to Holland. To appease his wrath and gratify his revenge, Louis, Napoleon’s brother, and King of Holland, interdicted all commerce with England, and agreed that a French army should be established on the coast of Holland for the purpose of seeing this interdict put into execution. Holland was also to equip a fleet for the service of France, and to cede Dutch Brabant, Zealand, and other territories to this insatiable empire. Yet, after all, Napoleon was not satisfied with his brother’s rule. French troops approached the capital of Holland, and Louis abdicated in favour of his eldest son, and sought refuge in Austria. Immediately after Napoleon proclaimed the union of Holland with France, and the people of that country were compelled to submit to his lordly will. By the union of the two countries the empire of France numbered 130 departments, and a population of 42,000,000, and Napoleon ruled this vast empire with absolute power. All Europe, in fact, submitted to his yoke in silence: England alone continued the war both by sea and land. But Russia was beginning to wake as from a dream, and to arise “against the world-empire, which approached nearer and nearer to her frontier.” The day of retribution was fast approaching, a day when God and man united to punish this haughty ruler of France and his people, for all the desolations they had commited over the fair face of creation. As they had done unto others, so it happened unto them.
GEORGE III. 1809—1812
ILLNESS OF HIS MAJESTY—OPENING OF PARLIAMENT, ETC.
By the non-attendance of his majesty at the opening and closing of the session of parliament for some time, it had been suspected that he was suffering under his old distressing malady. This was found to be too true. His illness has been referred to several proximate causes, both of a public and private nature. The cause, however, most commonly assigned for his affliction was the illness and death of his favourite daughter, the Princess Amelia. As her end drew near, she placed a mourning-ring, with the inscription, “Remember me,” on the finger of her doating parent, and it is said that he never recovered the shock thus given to his feelings. His mental distress became immediately great, and in a few days the royal family were alarmed by symptoms of that fearful malady which ever afterwards afflicted him. This was on the 20th or 21st of August; and on the 25th, the anniversary of the king’s accession to the throne, it was publicly announced that his majesty was labouring under his old complaint. Parliament stood prorogued till the 1st of November, on which day both houses assembled. As the king, however, was not present, and as no communication could be sent, there was no power either to prorogue or to open parliament. Under these circumstances an adjournment for fifteen days was proposed in both houses, and agreed to, and successive adjournments took place until the 13th of December, when they finally met for the transaction of business. In the meantime committees had been appointed to examine the attendant physicians respecting his majesty’s health. From them it appeared that there were very slight hopes of his recovery, at least for a considerable period; and, besides, the chancellor of the exchequer had by this time took measures for the appointment of a regency. He brought forward three propositions: one, declaring the king’s incapacity for the performance of the functions of royalty; a second, asserting the right of the two houses to supply this defect in the executive power; and a third, that means should be devised for giving the royal assent to a bill on the exercise of the regal authority during his majesty’s indisposition. The two former of these propositions were assented to without a division, though not without some opposition from Sir Francis Burdett, who declared his solemn protest against the whole proceedings, as aiming a mortal blow against the constitution. Against the third proposition several exceptions were taken. Mr. Ponsonby, indeed, denied that the houses had a right to command the chancellor to apply the king’s seal to an act which was thence to be considered as having the royal sanction, and he moved for an address to the Prince of Wales, praying him to take the regal functions on him during his majesty’s illness. Sir Samuel Romilly thought the resolutions inconsistent with each other. He remarked:—“In one, the right of the lords and commons to fill up the vacancy is asserted; and yet that vacancy being acknowledged, the royal assent to a bill is to be procured, to which his majesty can give no assent: the will of the lords and common: can in nowise be construed into the king’s will; nor can they by any means legislate for the nation. As well might a set of men in common life make a contract for an insane person, and then employ an individual as his solicitor to affix his seal and signature to the deed: in fact, the personal presence of the king, or of a commission signed by him, was essential to every act of legislation; and if the house could dispense with this in one case, they might in others; they might make war or peace, and say such was the king’s pleasure.” Mr. Ponsonby’s motion for an address to the prince was rejected by two hundred and sixty-nine against one hundred and fifty-seven. All the original resolutions were therefore carried, and the same three resolutions were likewise agreed to by the lords. Mr. Perceval, now, on the 3rd of December, proposed the same limitations and restrictions on the powers of the regent as were passed in 1788. These limitations and restrictions were contained in five resolutions. The first four of these resolutions were agreed to on the same day; but the fifth, relating to the care of his majesty’s person was postponed till the next day.
A.D. 1811
The fifth resolution of the regency bill was not settled for some days. On the 1st of January an amendment to it, tending to diminish the expenses of the king’s household, and to curtail the authority of the queen over that household, was carried against ministers by a majority of thirteen; and this decision was confirmed the next day by the rejection of an amendment moved by Mr. Perceval, which went to restore the fifth resolution to its original state. All the resolutions were then sent up to the lords, who, after some discussion, agreed to them; inserting an amendment in the second for allowing the regent to bestow the peerage upon deserving civilians, lawyers, etc. The commons readily agreed to this alteration in the second clause; and, by an act founded upon the whole, it was provided that the restrictions upon the royal authority, as exercised by the regent, should continue till the 1st of February, 1812, if parliament should be then assembled, and should have been sitting six weeks previously; otherwise, till the expiration of six weeks from the assembling of parliament after that day. A deputation now waited on the prince regent and the queen, to acquaint them with the resolutions which had been passed, and both accepted the office proposed to them, though the prince complained that his powers were to be exercised under so many restrictions and limitations. Their replies were reported to parliament on the 11th of January, when Lord Liverpool moved in the lords a resolution for putting the great seal to a commission for opening the parliament under the regency. This resolution passed the lords, after some opposition from Earl Grey, by a majority of fifty-one against thirty-three, and it was afterwards agreed to by the commons; and then both houses adjourned until the 15th of January, when the session was to be opened for the despatch of business under the regency by the commission thus appointed.
OPENING OF PARLIAMENT BY THE REGENT
Parliament was not opened till the 12th of February, on which day the prince regent, having been previously installed at Carlton-house, opened it by commission. The speech delivered upon this occasion by the commissioners in the regent’s name dwelt upon the success of our armies in the Indian seas, and the repulse of the French and Neapolitans in their attack on Sicily; upon the failures of the French in Portugal and at Cadiz; and it expressed a hope that parliament would enable the regent to continue the most effectual assistance to the brave nations of the Peninsula. The whole speech breathed a warlike spirit; and though some deprecated war in the debate which followed on the addresses, they were carried in both houses without a division.