Napoleon's Russian Campaign of 1812

by Edward Foord

Napoleon himself, with his Head-quarters and Guard, reached Studianka early on the 26th. He came to the head of the bridges and there remained until they were completed, personally supervising the construction. In the intervals when he could do nothing he sat on a pile of logs on the bank, gloomily gazing upon the slowly progressing structures on which his last hopes rested. More than once he asked Eblé to hurry. The General pointed to his devoted pontonniers working themselves to death in the icy stream, and the Emperor could say no more. What he could do to relieve them he apparently did, sometimes helping with his own hands to serve them out brandy.

The artillery of the Guard and of the 2nd Corps was massed behind Studianka ready to open fire as soon as the Russians should show themselves. But Chaplitz was already withdrawing through the woods to Borisov; only a weak rear-guard with 2 light guns remained opposite the village. Chaplitz’s worst fault was to neglect to destroy the long wooden bridges on which the Zembin road crossed the marshes. He was a brave and a good officer, but on this occasion failed much in the performance of his duty.

At 1 p.m. the right-hand bridge was completed, and at once Napoleon gave the order to Oudinot’s corps to cross. With the addition of Dombrowski’s Poles it appears to have been nearly 11,000 strong. Some of its regiments were reduced to mere skeletons; but others were still relatively strong. They were generally well clothed and in good order, and their still unbroken spirit appeared in the lately unaccustomed cheers with which they hailed Napoleon as they defiled past him. The Swiss regiments were especially solid and eager. Only 2 guns were taken across for fear of injuring the bridge. The advance-guard easily cleared away Chaplitz’s feeble rear-guard, and moved forward on the Borisov road until it found Chaplitz, reinforced by Pahlen, in position across its path. Reconnaissances despatched to Zembin found the Vilna road clear, and the Emperor decided to give up any intention of reaching Minsk and to move upon Vilna.

The heavier bridge was ready at 4 p.m., and the artillery of the Guard and Oudinot’s corps began to pass. At 8 p.m. three sets of trestles gave way. Half the pontonniers were called upon and, worn out with desperate toil and sunk in sleep as they were, they answered Eblé’s call. By 11 p.m. the breakage was repaired, and the rest of the artillery, the remains of the reserve park, and Ney’s corps began to cross.

At 2 a.m. on the 27th the bridge broke in the centre; three sets of trestles were destroyed. The second half of the pontonniers were called upon. Eblé himself chose good sound wood and superintended the making of new ones, while the heroic pontonniers sacrificed themselves as nobly as before. At 6 a.m. the damage was repaired and the passage proceeded. The bridge broke again at 4 p.m., two trestles giving way. It was repaired by 6 p.m.

The supports of the troop bridge held firm, but the weak roadway was continually breaking, and the devoted engineers were at work upon it with little intermission. It was so frail and swayed so badly that it is remarkable that it did not collapse.

Napoleon, with the Head-quarters and the Guard (less Claparède), crossed about 1 p.m. on the 27th. As yet no very great number of the non-combatants had arrived, and they were mostly employees of the army who crossed with their corps. The disbanded mob was flocking into Borisov ahead of Eugène and Davout. It was amenable to no control, and, as aforesaid, Napoleon’s order to the rear-guard to hold back was little likely to save it from destruction.

Chichagov, on reaching Chabachevichi, sent patrols across the river which failed to locate the enemy, and the Admiral became aware that he had been misled. He once more turned his troops towards Borisov, which they re-entered on the evening of the 26th. He directed Langeron to do what he could to reinforce Chaplitz, adding that he was coming up with all speed. Everybody, according to the bitter Langeron, was cursing “this miserable sailor.” They, however, did not know the circumstances, and might have cursed the high and well-born Prince Golénischev-Kutuzov with better reason. Langeron took forward Pahlen’s infantry to reinforce Chaplitz; he says—certainly with exaggeration—that there were only 1200 of them. Voïnov’s and Sabaniev’s troops, after a 30 miles march in frost and snow, were in no condition for battle, and the Army of the Danube had to remain at rest on the 27th. Without wishing entirely to absolve Chichagov, it appears to the writer that the chief blame must be laid upon Kutuzov, who lagged behind and sent misleading intelligence. Blame also attaches to Chaplitz for his negligence at Zembin. Yet it must be observed that he probably expected, with the rest of Chichagov’s officers, that Napoleon would retreat upon Minsk, and therefore drew in the detachment, which might otherwise have been cut off. Chichagov cannot be blamed for resting during the 27th. Borisov was full of French, who might attempt to force a passage there. They were mostly non-combatants, but this could not of course be ascertained with certainty. For the rest his troops were weary.

Wittgenstein was probably more blameworthy than the much abused Admiral. His pursuit of Victor was unenergetic; despite his double superiority of numbers, he made no attempt to press. He was in fear that Napoleon would turn his own right flank and retreat by Lepel to Vilna; and this was in fact one of the Emperor’s alternative plans. He moved so cautiously that on the 25th his advance-guard did not touch the rear-guard of Victor, who fell back unmolested towards the high-road at Borisov. Reconnaissances made it clear that Napoleon was not moving past the Russian right and Wittgenstein advanced to Kostritza, only 8 miles from Borisov and about 10 east of Studianka. Victor reached Borisov in safety; and Eugène and Davout moved on to Studianka, where they arrived at dusk on the 27th. Victor’s move, however, had evil effects; his troops came upon the line of march of the unhappy fugitives from Moscow, and the awful condition of the latter spread demoralisation in the ranks of the 9th Corps. The 2nd Corps had already come in contact with the woeful relics of the Guard and Ney’s corps, and their morale was affected. At Kostritza Wittgenstein learned that the French were at Studianka, but instead of marching thither he directed part of his troops on the 27th on Borisov, part on Staroï Borisov, some miles above the former place. Platov was in touch with Wittgenstein, and Yermólov was on the march to Borisov. There were thus, of Russian troops, on the Berezina the army of Chichagov, 32,000 strong with 180 guns, that of Wittgenstein at least 31,000, and Yermólov’s and Platov’s columns, say 12,000 men and 30 guns, in all 75,000.