[14] Both MSS. have bar rū instead of bar ū, ‘in front’ or ‘in the face’ of the letter, and this is no doubt the correct reading. See Iqbāl-nāma, p. 59. See Blochmann, p. 263, for the different places where seals are to be put. Jahāngīr’s order apparently was that the provincial governors were not to impress their seals on the face of their letters or other documents. [↑]
[15] The reference seems to be, not to these subsidiary regulations, but to the code of twelve rules promulgated by him at the commencement of his reign. [↑]
The Seventh New Year’s Festival after the auspicious Accession.
On Tuesday, the 1st Farwardīn of the seventh year from my accession on the 16th Muḥarram u-l-ḥarām (19th March, 1612) in the year 1021, the New Year’s assembly that illuminates the world, and the festival that brings joy, were held in the capital of Agra. After four gharis of the night had passed on Thursday, the 3rd of the aforesaid month, the hour that the astrologers had chosen, I sat on the throne. I had ordered that, according to annual custom, the bazars should be decorated and the assembly should be kept up until the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf). K͟husrau Bī Ūzbeg, who was known among the Uzbegs as K͟husrau Qimchī,[1] came on these days and had the honour of waiting on me. As he was one of the influential men of Māwarāʾa-n-nahr, I bestowed many favours on him, and gave him a fine robe of honour. I gave 15,000 rupees to Yādgār ʿAlī, ambassador of the ruler of Iran, for his expenses. On the same day the offering of Afẓal K͟hān, which he had sent from the Subah of Behar, was laid before me. There were 30 elephants and 18 ponies (gūnṭh), and pieces of Bengal cloth, sandalwood, some pods of musk, aloes-wood (Agallochum), and all kinds of things. The offering of K͟hān Daurān was also produced before me. He had sent 45 head of horse and two strings of camels, porcelain from China, dressing-gowns (pūstīnhā[2]) of sable (sammūr), and other valuable presents procurable in Kabul and its neighbourhood. The officers of the palace had taken trouble about their offerings, and according to the yearly custom from day to day of the festival the offerings of the servants were laid before me. Having looked at them in detail, I took what I approved and gave them the remainder. On the 13th Farwardīn, corresponding with the 29th Muḥarram, a representation from Islām K͟hān arrived to the effect that through the blessing of Allah’s favour and through the benign influence of the royal grace, Bengal had been freed from the disturbance of ʿUs̤mān, the Afghan. Before the circumstances of this war are written down, some particulars with regard to Bengal will be recorded.[3] Bengal is a country of great extent, and in the second clime its length, from the port of Chittagong to Garī, is 450 kos; and its breadth, from the Northern hills to the boundary of Sarkar Madāran, 220 kos. Its revenue is about 60 krores of dams.[4] The former rulers of this place always had 20,000 horse, a lakh of foot-soldiers, 1,000 elephants, and 4,000 or 5,000 war-boats. From the time of S͟hīr K͟hān and his son Salīm K͟hān, this country was in the possession of the Afghans. When the throne of sovereignty of Hindustan in the hands of my revered father acquired beauty and splendour, he ordered the victorious forces (of the empire) into it, and for a long time made the conquest of it his object, until the aforesaid province, through the great efforts of the chiefs of the victorious State, passed from the possession of Dāʾūd Karānī, who was the last of its rulers. That wretch was killed in the fight with K͟hān Jahān, and his army became scattered and in desperate condition. From that date until now the province is in the possession of the servants of the State. In the end a few of the remaining Afghans had remained in the corners and sides of the country, and kept a few distant places in their possession, until, by degrees, most of that body became despised and helpless, and were captured by the chiefs of the State in the places of which they had still possession. When the arrangement of the affairs of rule and empire, simply through the grace of God, became entrusted to this humble servant of the throne of Allah, in the first year after my accession I sent for Rāja Mān Singh, who had been appointed to the rule and government of that place, to Court, and sent Qut̤bu-d-dīn K͟hān, who, out of all the officials, was distinguished as my foster-brother, in his place. As he entered the province he attained to martyrdom at the hand of one of those mischievous ones who had been appointed to that country, and that man, who had not thought of the consequences, also obtained the reward of his deeds, and was slain. I promoted Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, who was governor and a Jagirdar in the province of Behar, on account of his nearness to that neighbourhood, to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and ordered him to go to Bengal and take possession of the province. I sent an order to Islām K͟hān, who was at the capital of Agra, to go to Behar and consider that province his jagir. When a short time had passed under the rule of Jahāngīr Qulī K͟hān, he contracted a severe illness, in consequence of the bad water and air of that place, and by degrees the power of the disease and his weakness became so great as to end in his destruction. When the news of his death came to my hearing at Lahore, an order was issued in the name of Islām K͟hān to proceed as soon as possible to Bengal. When I appointed him to this important duty, most of the servants of the State made remarks on his youth and want of experience. As the excellence of his disposition and his natural capacity had been noticed by my judicious eye, I myself chose him for this duty. As it happened, the affairs of this province were carried on by him in such a manner as from the time when it first entered into the possession of the Chiefs of the everlasting State until this day has never been attained to by any of the servants of the Court. One of his noteworthy deeds was the driving away of the rebel ʿUs̤mān, the Afghan. He frequently in the time of the late king encountered the royal forces, but his expulsion was not accomplished. When Islām K͟hān made Dhaka (Dacca) his place of abode and made the subjection of the Zamindars of that neighbourhood his chief object, it occurred to him that he should send an army against the rebel ʿUs̤mān and his province. If he agreed to serve loyally, well and good, but if not, they should punish and annihilate him like other seditious people. At that time S͟hajāʿat K͟hān[5] joined Islām K͟hān, and the lot of leading in this service[6] fell on his name. Several others of the State servants were also appointed to go with him, such as Kis͟hwar K͟hān, Iftik͟hār K͟hān, Sayyid Ādam Bārha, S͟haik͟h Achhay,[7] nephew of Muqarrab K͟hān, Muʿtamad K͟hān, the sons of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān Ihtimām K͟hān, and others. He took with him also some of his own men. At the hour when Mus͟htarī (Jupiter) was propitious, he started off this band, and appointed Mīr Qāsim, son of Mīrzā Murād, its chief paymaster and news-writer. He took also some of the Zamindars with him to show the road. The victorious armies started. When they reached the neighbourhood of ʿUs̤mān’s fort and land, they sent some eloquent men to admonish him and point out to him the way of loyalty, and bring him back from the road of rebellion to the right path. As much pride had seated itself in his brain-cup, and he had in his head a desire to seize the country, beside other fancies, he turned a deaf ear to their words and prepared himself for conflict and fight. The battlefield happened to be on the bank of a nullah in a place which was a complete bog. On Sunday (12th March, 1612), the 9th Muḥarram, S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, choosing the hour for the fight, arrayed the victorious forces, so that everyone should go to his place and be prepared for the battle. ʿUs̤mān had not settled the battle for that day with himself. When he heard that the royal army had come prepared for battle, having no remedy he himself mounted and came to the bank of the nullah, and arrayed his own horse and foot opposite the victorious army. When the affair grew hot, and the two forces opposed each other, that foolish, obstinate man at the first onset threw his own fighting raging elephant against the advanced guard. After much fighting many of the leaders of the advanced guard, as Sayyid Ādam[8] Bārha and S͟haik͟h Achhay, attained the dignity of martyrdom. Iftik͟hār K͟hān, the leader of the right wing, was in no way remiss in attacking, and sacrificed his own life. The band that was with him fought to such a degree that they were all cut to pieces. In the same way Kis͟hwar[9] K͟hān and his band of the left wing bravely sacrificed themselves in the affair of their master, but many of the enemy (lit. those of dark fortune) were also wounded and killed. That evil one (ʿUs̤mān) took account of the combatants and ascertained that the leaders of the advanced guard and right and left wings were killed. The centre alone remained. He took no account of the killed and wounded on his own side, but attacked the centre (of the royal army) with the same energy. On this side the son and brothers and sons-in-law of S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, as well as other officers, stopped the advance of those lost ones, and attacked them like tigers and leopards armed with claws and teeth. Some of them attained the dignity of martyrdom, and those that remained alive bore away fatal wounds. At this time (ʿUs̤mān) drove a raging elephant of the name of Gajpat,[10] which was his premier elephant, at S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, who laid hold of his spear and struck the elephant. What does a raging elephant care for a javelin. He then seized his sword and struck him two blows one after another. How did he regard these either! He then drew his dagger and struck him twice with it, but for this, too, he did not turn back, but overthrew S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with his horse. Immediately he was separated from his horse; calling out “Jahāngīr S͟hāh,” he leapt up, and his equerry struck the elephant on both front legs a blow with a two-handed sword. As the elephant fell on his knees, the equerry pulled the elephant driver down off the elephant, and S͟hajāʿat with the dagger he had in his hand, and while on foot, struck such blows on the trunk and forehead of the elephant that the elephant roared out at the pain and turned round. As he was severely wounded, he went to his own army and fell down. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān’s horse got up safely. As he was mounting his horse those vile ones drove another elephant at his standard-bearer, and overthrew his horse and standard. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān gave a manly shout and roused the standard-bearer, saying: “Be bold: I’m alive and the standard is at my feet (?).”[11] At this critical moment all the servants of the State who were present seized their arrows and daggers and swords, and smote the elephant. S͟hajāʿat himself came up and shouted to the standard-bearer to rise, and got another horse for the standard-bearer and mounted him on it. The standard-bearer unfurled the standard and maintained his ground. At the time of this struggle a (ball from a) gun struck that rebel on his forehead. However much they enquired for the man who fired it he could not be found. When this struck him, he recognized that he was a dead man. Yet for two watches, notwithstanding this fatal wound, he urged on his men to the fight, and the battlefield was still deadly and the struggle warm. Afterwards the enemy turned their faces, and the victorious army pursued them, and continually striking them drove back those vile ones into the place where they had encamped. With arrows and guns those wretches would not allow the royal troops to enter the place where they were. When Walī, the brother of ʿUs̤mān, and Mamrez, his (ʿUs̤mān’s) son and other relations and followers became aware of ʿUs̤mān’s wound, they made up their minds that he would not recover from it, and that if they, defeated and put to flight, should go towards their fort none would reach it alive. They thought it best to remain for the night in the place where they had encamped, and towards the end of the night seek an opportunity and get to their fort. Two watches of night had passed when ʿUs̤mān went to hell. In the third watch they raised his lifeless body, and leaving his tent and the things they had with them in the camp, proceeded to their fortress. The scouts of the victorious army, having obtained news of this, informed S͟hajāʿat K͟hān. On the morning of Monday the loyalists assembled and decided to follow them, and not allow breathing-time to those of dark fortune. In the end, in consequence of the tired state of the soldiers, and in order to bury the martyrs and out of sympathy for the wounded, they were perplexed in their minds as to going or settling down (where they were). Just at this time ʿAbdu-s-Salām, son of Muʿaz̤z̤am K͟hān, arrived with a body of servants of the State, altogether 300 horse and 400 musketeers (tūpchī). When this fresh body of men arrived it was determined to pursue, and they accordingly went on. When Walī, who after ʿUs̤mān was the stock of the disturbance, learned that S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with the victorious army had come together with another fresh force, he saw no resource for himself but to go to S͟hajāʿat K͟hān on the straight line of faith and loyalty. In the end he sent a message that he who had been the cause of the disturbance had gone, and that the body of those who were left were servants and Musulmans. If he would give his word they would wait upon him and would agree to serve the State, giving their elephants as an offering. S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and Muʿtaqid K͟hān, who had arrived on the day of the battle and had done approved service, and all those who were loyal, in accordance with the necessity of the time and with what was best for the State, gave their word and encouraged them. On the next day, Walī and the sons, brothers, and sons-in-law of ʿUs̤mān all came and waited upon S͟hajāʿat K͟hān and the other servants of the State. They brought forty-nine elephants as an offering. After the completion of this work S͟hajāʿat K͟hān, leaving some of the royal servants in Adhār[12] and the neighbourhood which was in the possession of that one of evil fortune, took with him Walī and the other Afghans, and on Monday, the 6th of the month of Ṣafar, came to Jahāngīrnagar (Dacca) and joined Islām K͟hān. When the joyful news reached in Agra this supplicant at the throne of Allah, he performed the prostrations of gratitude, and recognized that the driving away of this description of enemy was brought about simply through the unstinted mercy of the Almighty Giver. As a reward for this good service I promoted Islām K͟hān to the rank of 6,000 personal, and honoured S͟hajāʿat K͟hān with the title of “Rustam of the age” (Rustam-zamān), as well as increased his rank by 1,000 personal and horse. I also increased the rank of other servants according to the measure of their services, and they were selected for other honours.
When this news first came of the killing of ʿUs̤mān it appeared to be a joke, but by way of ascertaining the truth or falsehood of the words I took an omen from the divān of the tongue of the unseen world, K͟hwāja Ḥāfiz̤ of Shiraz, and this g͟hazal[13] turned up:—
“I make my eyes red and throw patience to the wilds,
And in such a case throw my heart into the sea.
I’m wounded by the shaft of heaven: