The Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: or, Memoirs of Jahangir (Volume 1 of 2)

by Emperor of Hindustan Jahangir

Give wine, so that intoxicated I may cast a knot in the girdle of the Twins.”

As this couplet was very appropriate to the occasion, I drew an omen from it. After some days news came again that the arrow of Fate, or rather of God, had struck ʿUs̤mān, for however much they enquired for him, he who fired the shot was not made manifest. This has been recorded on account of its strange nature.

On the 16th Farwardīn, Muqarrab K͟hān, who is one of my chief retainers and the old confidants of the Jahangiri service, who had attained the rank of 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse, came from the fort of Cambay and had the honour of waiting on me. I had ordered him, on account of certain business, to go to the port of Goa[14] and buy for the private use of the government certain rareties procurable there. According to orders he went with diligence to Goa, and remaining there for some time, took at the price the Franks asked for them the rareties he met with at that port, without looking at the face of the money at all (i.e. regardless of cost). When he returned from the aforesaid port to the Court, he produced before me one by one the things and rareties he had brought. Among these were some animals that were very strange and wonderful, such as I had never seen, and up to this time no one had known their names. Although King Bābar has described in his Memoirs the appearance and shapes of several animals, he had never ordered the painters to make pictures of them. As these animals appeared to me to be very strange, I both described them and ordered that painters should draw them in the Jahāngīr-nāma, so that the amazement that arose from hearing of them might be increased. One of these animals in body is larger than a peahen and smaller than a peacock.[15] When it is in heat and displays itself, it spreads out its feathers like the peacock and dances about. Its beak and legs are like those of a cock. Its head and neck and the part under the throat are every minute of a different colour. When it is in heat it is quite red—one might say it had adorned itself with red coral—and after a while it becomes white in the same places, and looks like cotton. It sometimes looks of a turquoise colour. Like a chameleon it constantly changes colour. Two pieces of flesh it has on its head look like the comb of a cock. A strange thing is this, that when it is in heat the aforesaid piece of flesh hangs down to the length of a span from the top of its head like an elephant’s trunk, and again when he raises it up it appears on its head like the horn of a rhinoceros, to the extent of two finger-breadths. Round its eyes it is always of a turquoise colour, and does not change. Its feathers appear to be of various colours, differing from the colours of the peacock’s feathers. He also brought a monkey of a strange and wonderful form. Its hands, feet, ears, and head are like those of a monkey, and its face like that of a fox. The colour of its eyes is like that of a hawk’s eye, but the eyes are larger than those of a hawk. From its head to the end of its tail it is an ordinary cubit in length. It is lower than a monkey and taller than a fox. Its hair is like the wool of a sheep and its colour like that of ashes. From the lobe of its ear to its chin it is red and of the colour of wine. Its tail is two or three finger-breadths longer than half a cubit, quite different from that of other monkeys. The tail of this animal hangs down like the tail of a cat. Sometimes it makes a sound like a young antelope. On the whole it is a very strange beast. Of the wild birds which they call tadrū (pheasant) till now it has never been heard that they breed in captivity. In the time of my revered father they made great efforts to obtain eggs and young ones but it was not managed. I ordered them to keep some of them, male and female, in one place, and by degrees they bred. I ordered them to place the eggs under hens, and in a space of two years sixty or seventy young were produced and fifty or sixty grew up. Whoever heard of this matter was astonished. It was said that in the Wilāyat (Persia?) the people there had made great efforts, but no eggs were produced and no young were obtained.

In these days I increased the mansab of Mahābat K͟hān by 1,000 personal and 500 horse, which thus became 4,000 personal and 3,500 horse. The mansab of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, original and increased, was fixed at 4,000 personal and 1,000 horse. To the mansab of Mahā Singh also an increase of 500 personal and horse was given: it was originally and with increase 3,000 personal and 2,000 horse. The mansab of Iʿtiqād K͟hān was increased by 500 personal and 200 horse, and made up to 1,000 personal and 300 horse. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan in these days came from the Deccan and waited on me. Daulat K͟hān, who had been appointed to the faujdārship of Allahabad and of the Sarkar of Jaunpur, came and paid his respects: an increase of 500 was made to his mansab, which was 1,000. On the day of culmination (rūz-i-s͟haraf), which was the 19th Farwardīn, I raised the mansab of Sult̤ān K͟hurram, which was 10,000, to 12,000, and made that of Iʿtibār K͟hān, which was 3,000 personal and 1,000 horse, up to 4,000. I raised the mansab of Muqarrab K͟hān from 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse by 500 personal and horse; and increased that of K͟hwāja Jahān, which was 2,000 personal and 1,200 horse, by 500. As these were the days of the New Year, many of the servants (of the State) obtained an increase of their mansabs. On the same day Dulīp came from the Deccan and waited on me. As his father Rāy Rāy Singh had died, I honoured him with the title of Rāy and clothed him in a dress of honour. Rāy Rāy Singh had another son, by name Sūraj Singh. Although Dulīp was his ṭīkā (marked with the ṭīkā) son, he wished Sūraj Singh to succeed him, in consequence of the love that he bore to his mother. When the circumstances of his death were reported to me, Sūraj Singh, in consequence of his want of intelligence and tender years, represented to me: “My father has made me his successor and given me the ṭīkā.” This remark was not to my liking, and I said: “If thy father has given the ṭīkā to thee, we shall give it to Dulīp.” Then marking the ṭīkā with my own hand, I presented the latter with his father’s jagir and hereditary possessions. I bestowed on Iʿtimādu-d-daulah an inkstand and jewelled pen. Rūdar, the father of Lakhmī Chand, Raja of Kumaon, who is one of the considerable Rajas of the hill country, had come in the time of the late King Akbar,[16] and when he came had petitioned[17] that the son of Rāja Ṭoḍar Mal might take him by the hand and bring him to wait on him. In consequence, the Raja’s (Ṭoḍar Mal’s) son had been appointed to bring him. Lakhmī Chand now similarly asked that the son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah might bring him to pay his respects. I sent S͟hāpūr[18] to bring him to wait on me. He laid before me rare things from his own hill country, such as gūnṭh ponies, and birds of prey, such as hawks, jurra (falcons), royal falcons, qat̤ās (yaks), navels of musk, and skins of the musk antelope with the musk-bags on them, swords which in their language they call khānḍā, and daggers which they call kaṭār, and all kinds of things. Amongst the Rajas of this hill country this Raja is well known for the large quantities of gold he has. They say there is a gold-mine in his territory.[19]

In order to lay the foundation of a palace at Lahore, I sent there K͟hwāja Jahān K͟hwāja Dūst Muḥammad, who is well skilled in this kind of business.

As the affairs of the Deccan, in consequence of the disagreements among the Sardars and the carelessness of K͟hān Aʿz̤am, did not look well, and the defeat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had taken place, I had sent for K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan to make enquiries into the real state of these quarrels. After much enquiry and investigation it became clear that the defeat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān had been caused by his pride and his sharp temper, and not listening to words (of advice) and partly by the quarrels and want of agreement between the Amirs. Briefly, it had been determined that ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān should start from the direction of Nāsik and Trimbak with the Gujarat army and the Amirs who had been appointed to accompany him. This army had been brought into proper order by trustworthy leaders and zealous Amirs, such as Rāja Rām Dās, K͟hān Aʿlam, Saif K͟hān, ʿAlī Mardān Bahādur, Z̤afar K͟hān, and other servants of the State. The number of the army had passed 10,000 and come up to near 14,000. On the side of Berar it was settled that Rāja Mān Singh, K͟hān Jahān, the Amīru-l-umarā, and many other leaders should proceed. These two armies should be aware of each other’s marches and halts, so that on an appointed day they might catch the enemy between the two. If this rule had been observed and their hearts had been in unison, and self-interest had not come between, it is most probable that Almighty God would have given them the victory of the day. When ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān passed the Ghats and entered the enemy’s country, he did not take care to send runners (qāṣidān) to bring intelligence from the other army, nor did he, in accordance with the arrangements, make his movements harmonise with theirs, so that on an appointed day they might take the enemy between two armies. Rather he relied on his own strength, and considered that if he could gain the victory alone it would be better. This idea fixed itself in his mind, and however much Rām Dās desired him to promise to go forward with due deliberation, it was of no use. The enemy, who were observing him closely, had sent a large number of leaders and Bargīs (Mahrattas) against him, and encounters took place with them every day. They did not fail to throw rockets and different fireworks at night. At last the enemy drew near, and yet he obtained no intelligence about the other army, though he had approached Daulatabad, which was the place of assembly of the Dakhanis. ʿAmbar, the black-faced, had raised to sovereignty a child who, in his opinion, bore relationship to the family of Niz̤āmu-l-mulk. In order that men might fully accept his (the child’s) sovereignty, he raised him up and took him by the hand, and made himself the Peshwa and leader. He sent men again and again (against ʿAbdu-llah), and the number of the enemy was continually increasing till at last they made an attack, and by throwing rockets and other fireworks made matters hot for him.[20] At length the loyalists thought it best, as no assistance had come to them from the other army and all the Dakhanis had turned against them, to retreat at once and try some other arrangement. All agreed, and with one consent started off before dawn. The Dakhanis followed them to the boundaries of their own country, and the two armies, meeting every day, did not fail in fighting. In these days several of the ambitious and zealous young men were killed. ʿAlī Mardān K͟hān Bahādur, behaving like a brave man, carried away terrible wounds and fell into the hands of the enemy, and showed his companions an example of fidelity to his salt and of life-sacrifice. Ẕū-l-faqār Beg also displayed manly actions, and a rocket struck him on the leg, and two days afterwards he died. When they entered the country of Rāja Bharjū,[21] who was one of those loyal to the throne, that body (the enemy) turned back, and ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān proceeded towards Gujarat. The real truth is this, that if in going he had drawn his rein (gone slowly) and allowed the other army to have come up to him, the matter would have turned out according to the wish of the chief men of the victorious State.[22] As soon as the news of the retreat of ʿAbdu-llah K͟hān reached the leaders of the army that was advancing from Berar, not seeing any advantage from further stay, they also retired, and joined the camp of Parwiz at ʿĀdilābād in the neighbourhood of Burhanpur. When this intelligence reached me at Agra I was greatly agitated, and proposed to go there myself and destroy root and branch those servants who had become masters. The Amirs and other devoted ones would in no way consent to this. K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan represented that as no one understood the business of that region as the Khankhanan did I ought to send him, and that he should again arrange matters that had fallen into disorder, and according to the exigencies of the time should compose differences so that affairs might return to their original condition. Other well-wishers being consulted, all their opinions were at one in this, that the Khankhanan must be sent and that K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan should accompany him. Agreeing with this determination, those who had charge of the affairs of the Khankhanan and his companions obtained leave to go on Sunday, the 17th Urdībihis͟ht, in the 7th year. S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān, K͟hwāja Abū-l-ḥasan, Razzāq-birdī Ūzbeg, and several others of his associates paid their parting salutations on the same day. The Khankhanan was promoted to the rank of 6,000 personal, S͟hāh-nawāz K͟hān to that of 3,000 and horse, that of Dārāb K͟hān increased by 500 personal and 300 horse (altogether 2,000 personal and 1,500 horse), and to Raḥman-dād, his (the Khankhanan’s) younger son, I also gave a fitting mansab. I presented the Khankhanan with a grand dress of honour, a jewelled dagger, a special elephant with talāyir (accoutrements), and an Iraq horse. In the same way I bestowed on his sons and companions dresses of honour and horses. In the same month Muʿizzu-l-mulk came from Kabul with his sons, and had the good fortune to kiss the threshold. S͟hyām Singh and Rāy Mangat Bhadauriya, who belonged to the army of Bangash, according to the request of Qilīj K͟hān, were promoted to higher mansabs. S͟hyām Singh had 1,500 personal and was increased by 500, and Rāy Mangat was also raised to a higher rank.

For a long time past news had come of the illness of Āṣaf K͟hān; sometimes the disease was got under and sometimes recurred, until he died at Burhanpur in the 63rd year of his age. His understanding and capacity were very good. He was very quick-witted. He also wrote poetry. He composed “K͟husrau and S͟hīrīn,” dedicating it to me, and called it the “Nūr-nāma” (the writing of light).[23] He had been ennobled in the time of my revered father and made Vizier. In the days when I was a prince he had several times done foolish things, and most men, and indeed K͟husrau himself, were of opinion that after my accession I would do unpleasant things (with regard to him). In a manner contrary to what had entered the minds of himself and others, I favoured him and promoted him to the rank of 5,000 personal and horse, and after he had for some time been Vizier with full authority, neglected no point in increasing favour towards him. After his death I gave mansabs to his sons and bestowed kindnesses on them. At last it was clear that his disposition and sincerity were not as they should be, and, considering his own evil deeds, he had always been suspicious with regard to me. They say he was aware of the conspiracy and disturbance that took place on the Kabul expedition, and had given support to the wretches. Indeed, I had no confidence that notwithstanding my favour and kindness to him he was not disloyal and of perverse fortune.

After a short space of time, on the 25th of the same month of Urdībihis͟ht, the news of Mīrzā G͟hāzī’s death arrived. The said Mīrzā was of the ruling family of Thatta (Tatta), of the tribe of Tark͟hānī. His father, Mīrzā Jānī, in the time of my revered father became loyal, and with the Khankhanan, who had been appointed to his province, he had the good fortune to have the honour of waiting on Akbar near Lahore. By the royal favour he was given his own province, and, choosing himself to serve at Court, he sent his men to the charge and administration of Thatta, and remained in the service while he lived. At last he died at Burhanpur. Mīrzā G͟hāzī K͟hān, his son, who was at Thatta, in accordance with the firman of the late king obtained the government of that country. Saʿīd K͟hān, who was at Bhakar (Bukkur), received an order to console him and bring him to Court. The aforesaid K͟hān sent men to him to recommend loyalty to him. At last, having brought him to Agra, he procured him the honour of kissing the feet of my revered father. He was at Agra when my father died and I ascended the throne. After I arrived at Lahore for the pursuit of K͟husrau news came that the Amirs on the borders of Khurasan had assembled together and proceeded against Qandahar, and that S͟hāh Beg, the governor of that place, was shut up in the fort and looking out for assistance. Of necessity an army was appointed for the relief of Qandahar under the leadership of Mīrzā G͟hāzī and other Amirs and generals. When this army reached the neighbourhood of Qandahar, the army of Khurasan, not seeing in themselves the power to await it, returned. Mīrzā G͟hāzī, having entered Qandahar, handed over the country and the fort to Sardār K͟hān, who had been appointed to the government of the place, and S͟hāh Beg went to his own jagir. Mīrzā G͟hāzī started for Lahore by way of Bhakar. Sardār K͟hān was only a short time at Qandahar before he died, and that province was again in need of a leader and master. This time I added Qandahar to Thatta and handed it over to Mīrzā G͟hāzī. From that time till his death he remained there continuously in performance of the duties of its protection and government. His conduct towards the disaffected was excellent. As it was necessary to send a leader to Qandahar in the place of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, I appointed Abū-l-bī Ūzbeg,[24] who was at Multan and in that neighbourhood, to that post. I promoted him in rank from 1,500 personal and 1,000 horse to 3,000 personal and horse, and honoured him with the title of Bahād K͟hān and a standard. The governorship of Delhi and the protection and administration of that province was conferred on Muqarrab K͟hān. I dignified Rūp K͟hawāṣṣ, who was one of the personal servants of my revered father, with the title of K͟hawāṣṣ K͟hān, and, giving him the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse, bestowed on him the faujdārship of the Sarkar of Qanuj. As I had sought the daughter[25] of Iʿtiqād K͟hān, son of Iʿtimādu-d-daulah, in marriage for K͟hurram, and the marriage festival had been arranged for, I went on Thursday, 18th K͟hūrdād, to his house, and stayed there one day and one night. He (K͟hurram) presented offerings (to me) and he gave jewels[26] to the Begams, and to his mothers (including stepmothers) and to the female servants of the harem, and dresses of honour to the Amirs.

I sent ʿAbdu-r-Razzāq, the bakhshi of the palace (dark͟hāna), to settle the country of Thatta (Sind) until a Sardar should be appointed who could conciliate the soldiery and the cultivators, and so bring the province into order. I increased his rank and presented him with an elephant and a shawl (parmnarm), and sent him off. I made Muʿizzu-l-mulk bakhshi in his room. K͟hwāja Jahān, who had been sent to inspect the buildings in Lahore and to arrange about them, came in the end of this month and waited on me. Mīrzā ʿĪsā Tark͟hān, one of the relations of Mīrzā G͟hāzī, had been appointed to the army of the Deccan. I sent for him to arrange about the business of Thatta, and on the same day he had the good fortune to pay his respects. As he was deserving of favour, he was given the rank of 1,000 personal and 500 horse. The disease of k͟hūn-pāra[27] had affected my health. By the advice of the physicians on Wednesday, the (date not given) of the said month, I drew about a sir (ās̤ār)[28] of blood from my left arm. As great lightness resulted, it occurred to me that if they were to call blood-letting ‘lightening’ it would be well. Nowadays this expression is made use of. To Muqarrab K͟hān, who had bled me, I gave a jewelled khapwa (dagger). Kis͟han Dās, accountant of the elephant department and stable, who from the time of the late king until now has been the clerk in charge of two departments, and for ages had been hopeful of the title of Raja and the rank of 1,000 personal, and before this had been gratified with a title, now had the rank of 1,000 conferred on him. Mīrzā Rustam, son of Sultān Ḥusain Mīrzā Ṣafawī, who had been appointed to the army of the Deccan, I sent for at his request. On Saturday, the 9th of the month of Tīr, he came with his sons and waited on me. He made an offering of a ruby and forty-six royal pearls. I increased the rank of Tāj K͟hān, the governor of Bhakar, who was one of the old Amirs of this State, by 500 personal and horse.