From Mr. Shepstone’s despatch on the subject of the coronation of Cetshwayo (P. P. [C. 1137]), and from messages brought from the latter to the Government of Natal after his father’s death, there appears to have been a strong desire on the part, not only of the people, but of the king himself, that his formal succession to the throne should be unattended by bloodshed and disorder, such as had ushered in the rule of his predecessors for several generations. How greatly the character of the Zulu rule had improved in a comparatively short period may be judged by a comparison of the fact [p. 5, ibid.] (mentioned by Mr. Shepstone), that during the reigns of Chaka and Dingana (grandfather and great-uncle to Cetshwayo), all the royal wives were put to death either before the birth of their children, or with their infants afterwards, with the behaviour of Cetshwayo, both to his father and to his father’s wives.[8] And Mr. Shepstone himself speaks of Cetshwayo on the occasion of this visit in the following manner:—“Cetywayo is a man of considerable ability, much force of character, and has a dignified manner; in all my conversations with him,” the Secretary for Native Affairs continues, “he was remarkably frank and straightforward, and he ranks in every respect far above any native chief I have ever had to do with.” Throughout the despatch, indeed, Mr. Shepstone repeatedly speaks of the king’s “frankness” and “sagacity,” in direct opposition to the charges of craft and duplicity so recklessly brought against the latter of late.
King Umpande died in October, 1872, having reigned nearly thirty-three years, and on the 26th February, 1873, messengers from Cetshwayo brought the news of his father’s death to the Governor of Natal, requesting at the same time that Mr. Shepstone might be sent to instal Cetshwayo as his successor,[9] in order that the Zulu nation should be “more one with the government of Natal,” and be “covered by the same mantle.” The message ended with the request which Cetshwayo never lost an opportunity of making, that we would protect his country from Boer aggressions.[10] “We are also commissioned,” say the messengers, “to urge, what has already been urged so frequently, that the government of Natal be extended so as to intervene between the Zulus and the territory of the Transvaal Republic.”
The mere fact that this proposition was frequently and earnestly pressed upon the Natal Government by the Zulus, is in itself a proof positive that the aggressions were not on their side. They desired to place what they looked upon as an impassable barrier between the two countries, and could therefore have had no wish themselves to encroach.
Further messages passed between Cetshwayo and the Natal Government upon the subject, until it was finally arranged that the coronation should be performed by Mr. Shepstone, in Zululand, and, with a party of volunteers as escort, he crossed the Tugela on the 8th August, 1873, accompanied by Major Durnford, R.E., Captain Boyes, 75th Regiment, and several other officers and gentlemen.
Mr. Shepstone’s long despatch, already quoted from, and in which he describes, with true native minuteness, the most trivial circumstances of the journey, and subsequent proceedings, gives the impression that he looked upon his mission as a service of danger to all concerned. It was, however, carried out without any break in the friendly relations between the Zulus and his party, who returned to Pietermaritzburg “without unpleasant incident” on the 19th September.
The coronation mission was carried out—how far successfully entirely depends upon the results expected or desired by those in command. The king himself, while looking upon the fact of his recognition as sovereign of Zululand by the English as important, is quite keen enough to have detected certain elements of absurdity in the proceedings by which they invested him with his dignity. There was perhaps a little good-humoured scorn in his reception of the somewhat oddly-chosen presents and marks of honour offered him. Without losing that respect for and faith in the English which has always characterised his dealings with them, he felt impatiently that they were rather making a fool of him; especially when they put upon his shoulders a little scarlet mantle—formerly a lady’s opera-cloak—the curtailed dimensions of which made him ridiculous in his own eyes; and upon his head a pasteboard, cloth, and tinsel crown, whose worthlessness he was perfectly capable of comprehending. Mr. Shepstone’s despatch represents him as greatly impressed by the ceremony, etc.; but the impression on the minds of many observers was that he put up with much which both seemed and was trifling and ridiculous, for the sake of the solid benefits which he hoped he and his people would derive from a closer connection with the English.
The portion of Mr. Shepstone’s despatch, however, which it is important that we should study with attention is that which refers to the “coronation promises” (so called) of Cetshwayo, and treats of the political subjects discussed between king and kingmaker.
Sir Bartle Frere repeatedly speaks of the transaction as “a solemn act by the king, undertaken as the price of British support and recognition;” of Cetshwayo as having “openly violated his coronation promises;” of his “undoubted promises;” while Sir Garnet Wolseley, in his speech to the assembled chiefs and people of the Zulu nation, speaks of the coronation promises as though the want of attention to them had been the chief, if not the only, cause of the king’s misfortunes; and the same tone is taken in all late despatches on the subject.
And now let us turn to Mr. Shepstone’s own report, prepared at the time, and see whether we gather from it the impression that the conditions of his treaty with Cetshwayo were thought of, or intended by him, to stand as solemn and binding promises, of which the infraction, or delay in carrying out, would render the king and his people liable to punishment at our hands. After giving his reasons for objecting to “formal or written” treaties with savages,[11] Mr. Shepstone himself remarks, “Ours is an elastic arrangement.” This is a singularly candid confession, of the truth of which there can be little doubt. Whether such a term should be applicable to the treaties made by an English Government is quite another question, to which we will leave the English public to find an answer. We have, however, but to quote from Mr. Shepstone’s own despatch to prove the convenient “elasticity” of his propositions, and how greatly they have been magnified of late in seeking a quarrel against the Zulu king. At p. 16 of the report, after enumerating the “arrangements and laws” proposed by him, and heartily approved by the Zulus, Mr. Shepstone remarks: “Although all this was fully, and even vehemently, assented to, it cannot be expected that the amelioration described will immediately take effect. To have got such principles admitted and declared to be what a Zulu may plead when oppressed, was but sowing the seed, which will still take many years to grow and mature.” And at p. 17 he says: “I told the king that I well knew the difficulties of his position, and that he could overcome them only by moderation and prudence and justice, but without these they would certainly overcome him.” And again (p. 18, par. 82) he explains that when he left Natal he had looked upon the “charge” which he knew that he would be expected to deliver to Cetshwayo on his installation, as something in the nature of an ordination sermon, or bishop’s charge to candidates for confirmation, likely to influence only in so far as the consciences of those addressed might respond, etc.; but that, on entering Zululand, he found that the people thought so much of this part of the duty he had undertaken that he felt himself to have “become clothed with the power of fundamental legislation,” and thought it right to take advantage of the opportunity for introducing improvements in the government of the people. “I have already described my success,” he continues, “and I attribute it to the sagacity of Cetywayo.”