[Footnote 16: See further, ch. 30, secs. 5-9.]
[Footnote 17: See ch. 27, sec. 15, on state commissions.]
[Footnote 18: A few among the most important sources are the Report of the Industrial Commission, 1898-1901, 19 volumes; reports of the Bureau of Corporations on the petroleum and tobacco industries; U.S. Supreme Court decisions, e.g., the Addystone Pipe case (175 U.S. 211), given in Ripley, Trusts, Pools, and Corporations, p. 86; the Standard Oil case (221 U.S. 1), and the Tobacco Trust case (221 U.S. 106); and the very comprehensive volume on "Trust Laws and Unfair Competition," by Joseph E. Davies, Commissioner of Corporations, Washington, 1916.]
[Footnote 19: John B. Clark, the distinguished professor of economics in Columbia University, has been the foremost and clearest exponent of this idea, in his "The Control of Trusts," 1901, 2d ed., 1912, and in other works.]
CHAPTER 30
PUBLIC OWNERSHIP
§ 1. Waves of opinion as to public ownership. § 2. Primary functions of government favoring public ownership. § 3. Economic influences favoring public ownership. § 4. Forms of municipal ownership. § 5. Localized production favoring monopoly. § 6. Economies of large production favoring monopoly, § 7. Uniformity of products favoring monopoly. § 8. Franchises favoring monopoly. § 9. Various policies toward local public service industries. § 10. State ownership of various kinds. § 11. National ownership. § 12. Economic basis of public ownership.
§ 1. #Waves of opinion as to public ownership.# Opinion and practice in the matter of the public ownership of wealth and the direct management of enterprises has moved in waves. In feudal times, when government was practically identical with the personal ruler, and the private "domains" of the lord or king were the sole source of his public revenues,[1] holdings of this kind were very large. Their public nature came to be more fully recognized, but they did not yield large revenues, and gradually were in large part sold or given away to private owners. This was particularly true in England, and in a less degree on the continent of Europe. The conviction grew that the state, or government, was an inefficient enterpriser, and that the sound public policy was to foster private industry and obtain public revenues by taxation. The ideal was embodied in the laissez-faire philosophy that government should confine itself exclusively to the most essential political functions, leaving the economic functions absolutely alone. It should keep the peace, prevent men from beating and robbing each other, and preserve the personal liberty of the citizen.[2] Thus, it was believed, all of the economic needs would be provided for by competition, in the best way humanly possible, in the quantities and at the rate needed. This policy attained its maximum influence in the first half of the nineteenth century in England, and in America probably just before the Civil War, in the decade of the fifties.
§ 2. #Primary functions of government favoring public ownership#. Some public ownership, however, is necessary for the exercise even of the primary political functions of the state. Civilized government requires the use of numerous material agents. Buildings for legislative and executive offices, custom-houses, post-offices, lighthouses, can be rented of private citizens, as post-offices usually are in small places; but it is obviously economical and convenient in large cities for the government to own the public buildings. Government can reduce to a minimum its direct employment of officials by "farming out" the taxes, as all countries once did to some extent, and as France continued to do up to the French Revolution. It is now the general policy for government to own or control its essential agencies, but this does not involve in every case the employment of day-labor direct as in cleaning the streets or collecting garbage. The more simple political functions shade off into the economic. To coinage usually are added the issue of legal-tender notes and certain banking functions: the post carries packages, transmits money, and in most countries now performs the function of a savings-bank for small amounts. The social and industrial functions undertaken by public agencies have steadily increased since the middle of the nineteenth century, and the sphere of the state has been enlarging.[3] The question ever open is as to the proper limits to this development.
§ 3. #Economic influences favoring public ownership#. In some cases private ownership is difficult because of the excessive cost of collecting for the service. The cost of maintaining toll houses on a turnpike sometimes exceeds the amount collected. Collection in other cases, as for the service of lighthouses to passing ships, is impossible. Public industry may secure, through the economy of large production, a cheaper and more efficient service, the benefits and costs being diffused throughout the community. The benefits of the work of experiment-stations for agriculture are felt immediately by the farmers, but are diffused to all citizens. A manufacturer able to keep his method secret, or to retain his advantages for a time, can afford to undertake experiments in his factory, but the farmer seldom can. The public ownership of parks for the use of all gives a maximum of economy in the production of the most essential goods,—fresh air, sunshine, natural beauty, and playgrounds in the midst of crowded populations. Municipal ownership of waterworks is an extension of the same idea. Not only because large amounts of water are used by the public, but because cheap, pure, abundant water is an essential condition to good citizenship, speculation should in every possible way be eliminated from this industry.