The value of the captures of the privateers was about $18,000,000; that of the captures of the navy, which had thirty-one ships afloat in 1776, thirty-four in 1777, and but seven in 1782, was, proportioned to the number of ships employed, much greater, being some $6,000,000. Altogether (i. e., by both services) some 800 vessels were captured. Our own losses were also very great, but not nearly so great as those of Britain. About 16,000 prisoners were taken afloat, only 6,000 less than those taken by the army.
By July, 1776, the British fleet in the vicinity of New York, where the attack was about to take place on the American army assembled on Long Island near Brooklyn, which resulted in our defeat and the occupancy of New York for the remainder of the war, consisted of nine ships of from 50 to 64 guns; three of 44; twenty-seven of from 28 to 32; fourteen of 20; eleven of 14 to 18; sixteen of from 8 to 10—a total of eighty ships of war. This fleet was under the command of Richard Viscount Howe, whose brother, General Howe, was commander-in-chief of the army of 34,614 men, of whom 13,167 were of the 29,867 Hessians hired for the war by Great Britain. These two brothers were for some two years to conduct the British main operations in America. One, the admiral, was an officer of great ability and rose to high distinction; the General was handicapped by a slothful and unenterprising disposition with a character marred by an extreme looseness in moral conduct. His want of enterprise may have been due in part to the attitude of the Whig party in England, to which he was attached, and which was opposed in general to the use of force against America. In any case, his qualities were such that they went a long way toward the establishment of American independence.
In addition to Howe’s fleet there were, under Commodore Sir Peter Parker, two 50-gun ships, four of 28, two of 20, and three of 8 guns. These were to be employed against Charleston, South Carolina.
On Lake Champlain the British were to have during 1776 a ship of eighteen 12-pounders, a schooner of fourteen 6-pounders; another of 12; three “Radeaux” (flat-bottomed craft), one carrying six 24-pounders, one six 12-pounders, and one two howitzers. There were also a gondola (with oars) carrying seven 9-pounders, and twenty gunboats, each with a brass field piece of from 24 to 9 pounds.
The naval force here mentioned was at times reinforced by accessions of line-of-battle ships, as many as twenty-one being at times available. The British, however, with an unwise conception of the true strategy of the situation, were constantly diverting these to the West Indies, which, during our Revolution, after war was declared by France and Spain, was the great field of naval action. It is within bounds to say that they lost the United States for the sake of the West India Islands.
CHAPTER IV
It was not until February, 1776, that what may be termed a strictly naval event took form in the sailing of the little fleet in command of Commodore Esek Hopkins, under orders which were sufficiently explicit in primary meaning, viz.: to proceed to Chesapeake Bay and destroy the powerful flotilla which the royal governor of Virginia had gathered together and with which he was harassing the Chesapeake shores. Hopkins was then to proceed to the Carolinas and act in like manner against the enemy’s forces, after which he was to go to Rhode Island. A final phrase, however, left a loophole for other action: “if bad winds or stormy weather” or any other accident should prevent, he was to use his own judgment.
Hopkins flew his broad-pennant in the Alfred, in which also was then hoisted by the hands of Lieutenant John Paul Jones a Continental flag which bore a rattlesnake and a motto, “Don’t tread on me,” on a yellow ground. The exact date of this incident is unknown. The other vessels of the squadron were the ship Columbus, 20; the brig Andrew Doria, 14; brig Cabot, 14; brig Providence, 12; sloop Hornet, 10; schooner Wasp, 8; schooner Fly, 8. The number of men was about 880.
Hopkins, instead of going to the Chesapeake, directed his course, on the plea of bad weather, to New Providence in the Bahamas, where there were considerable stores of powder and cannon of which the newly formed Continental army was in utmost need. Though blamed later by enemies, Hopkins took the wiser course. His advent there on March 3d was a complete surprise: 250 men were landed and possession taken of the little town and forts without resistance. Two weeks was spent in getting aboard the guns, of which there were seventy-one, from 9 to 32 pounders. There were also fifteen brass mortars and twenty-four barrels of powder. The governor, unfortunately, had succeeded in sending away 150 of the latter. The guns, however, were an extremely important prize, and to carry these and other public property seized, a sloop was impressed. Hopkins sailed north on March 17th, carrying the governor, lieutenant-governor, and another official. By this time Newport, Rhode Island, was occupied by a British force, and New London was selected instead as a port of return. When off Block Island the British man-of-war Glasgow, of 20 guns and 150 men, was sighted, and a running action took place, in which the Glasgow, though much injured, escaped into Newport. The explanation of the American commander was that the firing must bring aid from Newport to the Glasgow’s rescue, and in fact two vessels in the harbor did get under way to go out. The force in Newport, however, which was only the small frigate Rose, of 20 guns, the Nautilus and Swan, of 16 each, and several tenders, was no more than an equal match for our own. As far as one can read into this event, there was not the energy shown by our people which should have been. Giving up the action, the American squadron reached New London with all its prize intact. The Commodore’s practical disobedience of orders was fully condoned by Congress, and he received a letter of congratulation from President John Hancock.
The British squadron, suffering a good deal from fire from batteries on shore, had left Newport on April 5th, and Hopkins entered Narragansett Bay, going to Providence on April 25th. So many of his men had sickened on the cruise from the poor food, bad water, and want of general hygiene aboard ship at that period, that he had landed 200 at New London. He now found it impossible to get men. Some soldiers who had been temporarily lent from the army were demanded back by Washington, and there ensued a painful period for the unhappy Commodore. Great complaints of ill-treatment went to Congress. Hopkins’ manners to his officers were severely criticised, and the whole ended in an official inquiry which included his disobedience of orders, his allowing the Glasgow to escape, and his inactivity since his return. He was not entirely cleared on the first two charges, but the prevalent sickness among his men and the impossibility of getting new crews on account of the active fitting out of privateers were certainly sufficient to exonerate him from the third. Notwithstanding, and although he was energetically defended by John Adams, he received a formal censure from Congress, but was allowed for the moment to retain his command. In regard to the question of roughness toward his subordinates which was involved in the charges, it must be considered that all officers of the period had entered the Continental service from the rough life of the merchantman of the time; many had served in privateers; the officers of the British navy itself were themselves not altogether lamblike, if we are to believe Smollet, who had personal experience as a surgeon’s mate. It was in many ways a rough age afloat and ashore and in every society, and such charges as were brought against Hopkins cannot justly be judged from our present standpoint. Certainly John Paul Jones, his first lieutenant, wrote him at this time a kindly and sympathetic letter regarding this trial. Though Hopkins remained yet some time in the service, it was not for long. His enemies, and apparently they were not few, again brought charges against him. As a result, Congress on March 26, 1777, resolved that he be suspended from his command, and on January 2, 1778, he was dismissed from the service. That the service suffered thereby can hardly be said, as he was now sixty years old, an old age for that period, and was scarcely equal to the exercise of vigorous command, but the fact remains that he met unduly harsh treatment.