To Herat and Cabul: A Story of the First Afghan War

by G. A. Henty

Macgregor then told the manner in which Angus had converted his little cell into a fort, and had resisted successfully the attacks made upon it.

"A very narrow escape indeed, Mr. Campbell," Sir Alexander Burnes said. "It was fortunate indeed that that piece of wood had been left in the cell; but the idea of cutting wedges from it and fastening the door would not have occurred to everyone. It was a most happy thought, and certainly was the means of saving your life. It was a treacherous business indeed of Hajee Khan Kakur, for I have no doubt that he was the concocter of the plot. He has given us the strongest grounds for suspicion ever since we left Candahar, and has continually been making excuses for lagging behind. We have strong reason for believing that if we had failed here, he would at once have turned against us."

"I do not think he knew of this, sir. When I was seized, the trooper said. 'Do you think that because our chief is a traitor we are traitors too?'"

"These fellows are very crafty, Mr. Campbell, and Hajee has a special reputation that way, having before now turned traitor in spite of promises and vows. He may very well have instructed one of his men to say this, in order that if, contrary to all probability, you ever rejoined the army, he himself might be shielded by your repeating this speech. We have never put any trust in him since he joined us, though of course it was politic to seem to do so, as other chiefs might follow his example. He was questioned very sharply as to the orders he had given his men when you did not return that afternoon. Of course he swore by the Prophet that he had chosen men in whom he had the greatest confidence, which was, I have no doubt, true. However, as it was possible that you and they might have fallen into an ambush, the matter was dropped for the time. But our suspicions gained ground when, as we came up here, no signs of a fight were discovered, no bodies either of men or horses, and I intended to reopen the matter as soon as things were a little settled down. Well, I can assure you I am heartily glad to see you back again safe and sound, and I shall not fail to report the matter to Sir John Keane, and tell him how cleverly you escaped the fate intended for you."

The army remained for a week at Ghuznee while preparations were being made for converting the fortress into a base from which further operations could be carried on. It was thought well to pause, so that the full effects of the disaster might be felt throughout the country before the advance began again. The fall of Ghuznee had indeed entirely disarranged the plan of campaign that had been decided upon by Dost Mahomed. The fortress had been provisioned for six months, and it was confidently believed that it could resist all attacks for that time. With the approach of winter, the position of a besieging army would be desperate. The cold would be intense, they would be surrounded on all sides by swarms of fierce tribesmen, would be unable to obtain provisions in the country round, and must either retire through the passes they had ascended, to Candahar, or be forced by famine to surrender. In the former case, the disaster that afterwards occurred in endeavouring to retire from Cabul would probably have befallen them.

This plan was entirely brought to naught by the fall of Ghuznee, and six days later the brother of Dost Mahomed arrived in camp with an offer from the Ameer to surrender the government to Shah Soojah, on condition that he himself should, as the head of the Barukzyes, fill the hereditary office of wuzeer, or prime minister. As this would have placed the whole power of the state in his hands, the offer was refused, and on the 31st of July the army resumed its march. After three days' march, they learned that the Kuzzilbashes had mutinied. This body of troops were of Persian descent, and had for very many years formed an important part of the military power of Cabul, and held a position similar to that of the Janizaries of Constantinople and the Mamelukes of Egypt. Under but very slight control, they were constantly causing trouble by their insolence and exactions, and they now showed that they entertained no feeling either of loyalty or gratitude towards the dynasty which they served.

In spite of the exhortations of the Ameer, they insisted upon his granting them a discharge from his service, and as it was evident that the news from Ghuznee had so much dispirited the whole army that no reliance whatever could be placed on their fidelity, the unfortunate monarch was obliged to allow the Kuzzilbashes to disband, and the rest of the army to disperse, and to take to the mountains as a fugitive, accompanied only by a small party of personal followers. A force was at once sent in pursuit of him; but as the following of the traitor, Hajee Khan, formed the principal part of this force, the double-faced chief, who desired to make himself safe whatever turn affairs might take, so contrived that Dost Mahomed and his party were not overtaken. In the meantime the main force marched forward to Cabul wholly unopposed. Twenty-two guns were found abandoned at the spot where the Ameer's army had dispersed. These, placed in a strong defile, and supported by a large force of tribesmen, might have long resisted our advance had the Kuzzilbashes and other Afghan horsemen swept round on our rear, and although British valour might have finally succeeded, it could only have been after a terrible struggle. But now the Ameer was a fugitive, the guns were in our hands, the Kuzzilbashes and native tribesmen had come in to salute their new ruler, and nothing remained but to enter the capital in triumph.

The entry took place on the 7th of August. The ceremony was an imposing one. Shah Soojah, after an exile of thirty years, rode at the head of the cortege, on a white charger with golden trappings. He wore a jewelled coronet, his arms and garments were ornamented with precious stones, and his waist encircled with a broad girdle of gold encrusted with rubies and emeralds. Accompanying him were the commander-in-chief, and Mr. Macnaghten and Sir Alexander Burnes, who were in full diplomatic dress. Two of the Shah's sons and a few of the principal chiefs rode behind him with a number of staff officers in full uniform. Following him came the army that had performed so long and difficult a march to place him on his throne. The surrounding country traversed was rich and fertile in the extreme, and almost covered with orchards of peaches and other fruits; under these crops of all sorts grew luxuriantly. On the eminences commanding the plain immense numbers of tribesmen assembled to witness the martial display.

On entering the city, the victors found the inhabitants clustered in the streets through which they passed to the royal residence in the Bala Hissar, a great citadel situated on a hill commanding the town, and so strongly fortified that it would have been difficult to capture it unless by the aid of a regular siege train. The aspect of the inhabitants was perfectly peaceful; there were no shouts or exclamations of enthusiasm, but it was evident from the expression of satisfaction on their faces that the majority were well satisfied with the termination of the rule of the Barukzyes, whose exactions had pressed heavily upon them.

Dost Mahomed himself was popular. He was affable and kindly in disposition; his decisions on all matters brought before him were just and fair; he was accessible to all having complaints to bring before him; and had he possessed a body of trustworthy infantry to overawe the marauding Kuzzilbashes and the semi-independent chiefs, there can be no doubt that his rule would have been a wise and beneficial one. Shah Soojah was the reverse of his rival. Haughty and arrogant, he regarded and treated with contempt his new subjects, seldom granted audience, or troubled himself in any way with their affairs, rarely went abroad, and remained in almost constant seclusion in his palace.