A History of Matrimonial Institutions, Vol. 1 of 3

by George Elliott Howard

Still, it will not be wise to accept too literally the apparent statements of the early codes relative to the marriage relation, for they are often brief and obscure, devoid of qualifying terms, and must be construed in the light of other facts. Thus Opet's researches seem to show clearly that in the historical period women were not so much neglected in the ancient law of inheritance as has usually been supposed.[852]

Similar evidences of the sale-marriage are afforded by the South German folk-laws.[853] Among the Salian Franks the bride-price appears in form of the arrha, to be described presently, through the payment to the guardian by the bridegroom of the "golden shilling and the silver penny." In this form the arrha was paid by the representatives of Chlodwig, the Frankish king, at his betrothal with Chlotilde, sister and ward of Gundobad, king of the Burgundians.[854] Faint traces of wife-purchase survive in the Bavarian[855] and Alamannian codes;[856] while in the lex saxonum marriage is simply described as uxorem emere, or "buying a wife."[857] The sale-contract retains much of its primitive character, in spite of ecclesiastical influences, in the West Gothic, Burgundian, and Lombard codes. Among the West Goths the betrothal was almost as binding as a marriage. The father or other legal protector might contract his daughter or ward against her will. If she disregards such a contract and marries another man, both bride and bridegroom are "handed over to the power" of him to whom she was betrothed by her father or guardian, "and any relatives abetting the marriage shall pay a penalty of gold."[858] The provisions of the other two codes last mentioned are conceived in a similar spirit.[859] Moreover, even in the customs of the Scandinavian North forms and phrases have survived which seem to point unmistakably to the former existence of wife-purchase.[860]

During the period of the law-books, both in England and on the continent, the amount of the bride-money was generally fixed by custom or by statute. The price established seems usually to have equaled the value of the mund or that of the wergeld, which depended upon the rank of the woman.[861] While the law thus fixed the amount of the bride-money, doubtless to facilitate an easy settlement of those cases in which marriages were illegally formed without payment of the weotuma, it by no means follows, as sometimes assumed, that its value was not ordinarily arranged by private agreement, as in the early period.

At a very early day it became customary—instead of the weotuma to pay to the guardian a small sum at the betrothal, called in general arrha[862]—the Hand-geld of the German writers—accompanied by promises and sureties for the payment of the price of the bride at the gifta, or nuptials. Strictly speaking, the arrha was neither a part payment nor even a symbolical payment of the weotuma; it was an act by which the real obligation implied by the contract of sale was engendered.[863] The practice of paying the arrha instead of the bride-money at the betrothal led to a change in the character of the marriage contract. "In the time of the folk-laws—from the sixth to the ninth century—we see among all the German tribes a change take place: the witthum, that is the purchase price, is no longer paid to the guardian, that is the seller, but to the bride herself; so that the right of the guardian was practically limited to the receipt of the handgeld, that is to a merely formal fulfilment."[864] Thus, since the property of the wife was subject to the husband's control during his lifetime, the weotuma was really transformed into a provision for the widow, payable only after death from the husband's goods.[865] The beweddung was still a "real contract," but not a "contract of sale."[866]

In this second stage, it has been thought, was the form of betrothal among the old English in the days of Ine and Ælfred; but the evidence is not entirely conclusive. Indeed, a provision of Ine, relied upon by Schroeder to prove that the price had not been paid at the betrothal, appears to show the opposite, according to the reading of Liebermann. "If a man buy a woman (as a wife) and the gifta or tradition take not place, let him (the woman's guardian) give the money back (to the bridegroom), pay as much more as penalty, and recompense the betrothal sureties (byrgean) in as much as the breach of their pledge is worth."[867] Even with this reading it is just possible that the money restored was the arrha; and that betrothal sureties were required mainly to secure damage in case the bride were not actually transferred. A law of Ælfred likewise shows the practice of taking surety; but in this case also it seems uncertain whether the pledges were given for the payment of the bride-money; for damage on failure to surrender the bride as a maid; or for both bride-price and damage combined, though the last hypothesis seems the most probable. "If a betrothed woman commit adultery, if she be of ceorlish degree, let a penalty of sixty shillings be paid to the betrothal sureties, and let it be in live-stock, things of value; and in it let no (unfree) man be given." If the woman be worth six hundred or twelve hundred shillings wergeld, the penalty is fixed at one hundred or one hundred and twenty shillings respectively.[868] But another law of Ælfred seems to reveal more clearly the second or transitional phase in the history of the wedding contract; for the bride-price is paid to the woman. It provides that in case a man sell his daughter into servitude, and the purchaser "allow his son to cohabit with her, let him (the son) marry her: and let him see that she have raiment, and that which is the worth of her maidhood, that is the weotuma; let him give her that."[869]

The transition from this last-named form of contract to a third and still more liberal one was easy and natural. Already in the tenth century the beweddung had become a merely "formal contract," the wed, wette, Treugelöbniss, wadium, or fides facta of the early laws.[870] In this case there was not even one-sided fulfilment through payment of the arrha, which in the form of wine-money was merely promised to the guardian;[871] but instead the agreement or convention was accompanied by sureties to pay the weotuma to the bride, and by a solemn act which created the obligation, and was therefore essential to the contract. Originally this solemn act consisted in giving and taking the straw (festuca) on the part of the bride and bridegroom. Instead of the straw, other objects were sometimes employed, such as a piece of cloth, an arrow, a number of gloves, and the like.[872] The oath or vow was also substituted for the solemn act; and, particularly in the later Middle Ages, the most popular symbol by which the contract was closed was a "weakened" form of the oath, the Handschlag, or hand-fasting, so famous in connection with the history of English "secret" or "irregular" marriages.[873] It should be noted that after the betrothal assumes the form of the wed, the weotuma ceases to be of real importance and becomes a gift to the bride of little value; whereas now the object of real concern in the convention is the morgengifu, or morning-gift.[874] This was originally a small voluntary gift to the bride on the morning following the nuptials; but as the weotuma decreased the morning-gift increased in importance. It became customary to grant them both in the same instrument at the betrothal; so, at length, they were merged and became a regular legal provision for the widow. Such was the Lombard quarta[875] and the Frankish tertia;[876] the Norman douaire, and the dos ad ostium ecclesiae of Glanville, the predecessors of the modern English dower.[877]

This third phase of the beweddung may be clearly discerned in the English laws of the pre-Norman period, and seems to have been the prevailing form after the beginning of the tenth century. The following formulary, dating perhaps from the reign of Eadmund or Æthelstan, besides its peculiar interest as being the earliest English betrothal ritual extant, is an excellent example of the formal contract, though some of its provisions are not clear:

"1. If a man desire to betroth a maiden or a widow, and it so be agreeable to her and her friends, then it is right that the bridegroom, according to the law of God, and according to the customs of the world, first promise and give a 'wed' to those who are her 'foresprecas,' that he desire her in such wise that he will keep her, according to God's law, as a husband shall his wife: and let his friends guarantee that.

"2. After that, it is to be known to whom the 'foster-laen'[878] belongs: let the bridegroom again give a 'wed' for this: and let his friends guarantee it.