[61] Plato, Apol. S. pp. 20-38.
[62] Aristotle, in the first book of Metaphysica (982, b. 17), when repeating a statement made in the Theætêtus of Plato (155 D), that wonder is the beginning, or point of departure, of philosophy — explains the phrase by saying, that wonder is accompanied by a painful conviction of ignorance and sense of embarrassment. ὁ δὲ ἀπορῶν καὶ θαυμάζων οἴεται ἀγνοεῖν ... διὰ τὸ φεύγειν τὴν ἄγνοιαν ἐφιλοσόφησαν ... οὐ χρήσεώς τινος ἕνεκεν. This painful conviction of ignorance is what Sokrates sought to bring about.
The Dialogues of Search present an end in themselves. Mistake of supposing that Plato had in his mind an ulterior affirmative end, not declared.
To understand the full purpose of Plato’s dialogues of search — testing, exercising, refuting, but not finding or providing — we must keep in mind the Sokratic Apology. Whoever, after reading the Theætêtus, Lachês, Charmidês, Lysis, Parmenidês, &c., is tempted to exclaim “But, after all, Plato must have had in his mind some ulterior doctrine of conviction which he wished to impress, but which he has not clearly intimated,” will see, by the Sokratic Apology, that such a presumption is noway justifiable. Plato is a searcher, and has not yet made up his own mind: this is what he himself tells us, and what I literally believe, though few or none of his critics will admit it. His purpose in the dialogues of search, is plainly and sufficiently enunciated in the words addressed by Sokrates to Theætêtus — “Answer without being daunted: for if we prosecute our search, one of two alternatives is certain — either we shall find what we are looking for, or we shall get clear of the persuasion that we know what in reality we do not yet know. Now a recompense like this will leave no room for dissatisfaction.”[63]
[63] Plato, Theætet. 187 C. ἐὰν γὰρ οὕτω δρῶμεν, δυοῖν θάτερον — ἢ εὑρήσομεν ἐφ’ ὃ ἐρχόμεθα, ἢ ἧττον οἰησόμεθα εἰδέναι ὃ μηδαμῇ ἴσμεν· καίτοι οὐκ ἂν εἴη μεμπτὸς ὁ τοιοῦτος. Bonitz (in his Platonische Studien, pp. 8, 9, 74, 76, &c.) is one of the few critics who deprecate the confidence and boldness with which recent scholars have ascribed to Plato affirmative opinions and systematic purpose which he does not directly announce. Bonitz vindicates the separate value and separate locus standi of the negative process in Plato’s estimation, particularly in the example of the Theætêtus. Susemihl, in the preface to his second part, has controverted these views of Bonitz — in my judgment without any success.
The following observations of recent French scholars are just, though they imply too much the assumption that there is always some affirmative jewel wrapped up in Plato’s complicated folds. M. Egger observes (Histoire de la Critique chez les Grecs, Paris, 1849, p. 84, ch. ii. sect. 4):
“La philosophie de Platon n’offre pas, en général, un ensemble de parties très rigoureusement liées entre elles. D’abord, il ne l’expose que sous forme dialoguée: et dans ses dialogues, où il ne prend jamais de rôle personnel, on ne voit pas clairement auquel des interlocuteurs il a confié la défense de ses propres opinions. Parmi ces interlocuteurs, Socrate lui-même, le plus naturel et le plus ordinaire interprète de la pensée de son disciple, use fort souvent des libertés de cette forme toute dramatique, pour se jouer dans les distinctions subtiles, pour exagérer certains arguments, pour couper court à une discussion embarrassante, au moyen de quelque plaisanterie, et pour se retirer d’un débat sans conclure; en un mot, il a — ou, ce qui est plus vrai, Platon a, sous son nom — des opinions de circonstance et des ruses de dialectique, à travers lesquelles il est souvent difficile de retrouver le fond sérieux de sa doctrine. Heureusement ces difficultés ne touchent pas aux principes généraux du Platonisme. La critique Platonicienne en particulier dans ce qu’elle a de plus original, et de plus élevé, se rattache à la grande théorie des idées et de la réminiscence. On la retrouve exposée dans plusieurs dialogues avec une clarté qui ne permet ni le doute ni l’incertitude.”
I may also cite the following remarks made by M. Vacherot (Histoire Critique de l’École d’Alexandrie, vol. ii. p. 1, Pt. ii. Bk. ii. ch. i.) after his instructive analysis of the doctrines of Plotinus. I think the words are as much applicable to Plato as to Plotinus: the rather, as Plato never speaks in his own name, Plotinus always:—“Combien faut-il prendre garde d’ajouter à la pensée du philosophe, et de lui prêter un arrangement artificiel! Ce génie, plein d’enthousiasme et de fougue, n’a jamais connu ni mesure ni plan: jamais il ne s’est astreint à developper régulièrement une théorie, ni à exposer avec suite un ensemble de théories, de manière à en former un système. Fort incertain dans sa marche, il prend, quitte, et reprend le même sujet, sans jamais paraître avoir dit son dernier mot; toujours il répand de vives et abondantes clartés sur les questions qu’il traite, mais rarement il les conduit à leur dernière et définitive solution; sa rapide pensée n’effleure pas seulement le sujet sur lequel elle passe, elle le pénétre et le creuse toujours, sans toutefois l’épuiser. Fort inégal dans ses allures, tantôt ce génie s’échappe en inspirations rapides et tumultueuses, tantôt il semble se traîner péniblement, et se perdre dans un dédale de subtiles abstractions, &c.”
False persuasion of knowledge — had reference to topics social, political, ethical.
What those topics were, in respect to which Sokrates found this universal belief of knowledge, without the reality of knowledge — we know, not merely from the dialogues of Plato, but also from the Memorabilia of Xenophon. Sokrates did not touch upon recondite matters — upon the Kosmos, astronomy, meteorology. Such studies he discountenanced as useless, and even as irreligious.[64] The subjects on which he interrogated were those of common, familiar, every-day talk: those which every one believed himself to know, and on which every one had a confident opinion to give: the respondent being surprised that any one could put the questions, or that there could be any doubt requiring solution. What is justice? what is injustice? what are temperance and courage? what is law, lawlessness, democracy, aristocracy? what is the government of mankind, and the attributes which qualify any one for exercising such government? Here were matters upon which every one talked familiarly, and would have been ashamed to be thought incapable of delivering an opinion. Yet it was upon these matters that Sokrates detected universal ignorance, coupled with a firm, but illusory, persuasion of knowledge. The conversation of Sokrates with Euthydêmus, in the Xenophontic Memorabilia[65] — the first Alkibiadês, Lachês, Charmidês, Euthyphron, &c., of Plato — are among the most marked specimens of such cross-examination or Elenchus — a string of questions, to which there are responses in indefinite number successively given, tested, and exposed as unsatisfactory.