[64] Xenoph. Memor. i. 1.
[65] Xenoph. Memor. iv. 2. A passage from Paley’s preface to his “Principles of Moral Philosophy,” illustrates well this Sokratic process: “Concerning the principle of morals, it would be premature to speak: but concerning the manner of unfolding and explaining that principle, I have somewhat which I wish to be remarked. An experience of nine years in the office of a public tutor in one of the Universities, and in that department of education to which these sections relate, afforded me frequent opportunity to observe, that in discoursing to young minds upon topics of morality, it required much more pains to make them perceive the difficulty than to understand the solution: that unless the subject was so drawn up to a point as to exhibit the full force of an objection, or the exact place of a doubt, before any explanation was entered upon — in other words, unless some curiosity was excited, before it was attempted to be satisfied — the teacher’s labour was lost. When information was not desired, it was seldom, I found, retained. I have made this observation my guide in the following work: that is, I have endeavoured, before I suffered myself to proceed in the disquisition, to put the reader in complete possession of the question: and to do it in a way that I thought most likely to stir up his own doubts and solicitude about it.”
To those topics, on which each community possesses established dogmas, laws, customs, sentiments, consecrated and traditional, peculiar to itself. The local creed, which is never formally proclaimed or taught, but is enforced unconsciously by every one upon every one else. Omnipotence of King Nomos.
The answers which Sokrates elicited and exposed were simple expressions of the ordinary prevalent belief upon matters on which each community possesses established dogmas, laws, customs, sentiments, fashions, points of view, &c., belonging to itself. When Herodotus passed over to Egypt, he was astonished to find the judgment, feelings, institutions, and practices of the Egyptians, contrasting most forcibly with those of all other countries. He remarks the same (though less in degree) respecting Babylonians, Indians, Scythians, and others; and he is not less impressed with the veneration of each community for its own creed and habits, coupled with indifference or antipathy towards other creeds, disparate or discordant, prevailing elsewhere.[66]
[66] Herodot. ii. 35-36-64; iii. 38-94, seq. i. 196; iv. 76-77-80. The discordance between the various institutions established among the separate aggregations of mankind, often proceeding to the pitch of reciprocal antipathy — the imperative character of each in its own region, assuming the appearance of natural right and propriety — all this appears brought to view by the inquisitive and observant Herodotus, as well as by others (Xenophon, Cyropæd. i. 3-18): but many new facts, illustrating the same thesis, were noticed by Aristotle and the Peripatetics, when a larger extent of the globe became opened to Hellenic survey. Compare Aristotle, Ethic. Nik. i. 3, 1094, b. 15; Sextus Empiric. Pyrr. Hypotyp. i. sect 145-156, iii. sect 198-234; and the remarkable extract from Bardesanes Syrus, cited by Eusebius, Præp. Evang. vi., and published in Orelli’s collection, pp. 202-219, Alexandri Aphrodis. et Aliorum De Fato, Zurich, 1824.
Many interesting passages in illustration of the same thesis might be borrowed from Montaigne, Pascal, and others. But the most forcible of all illustrations are those furnished by the Oriental world, when surveyed or studied by intelligent Europeans, as it has been more fully during the last century. See especially Sir William Sleeman’s Rambles and Recollections of an Indian Official: two volumes which unfold with equal penetration and fidelity the manifestations of established sentiment among the Hindoos and Mahomedans. Vol. i. ch. iv., describing a Suttee on the Nerbudda, is one of the most impressive chapters in the work: the rather as it describes the continuance of a hallowed custom, transmitted even from the days of Alexander. I transcribe also some valuable matter from an eminent living scholar, whose extensive erudition comprises Oriental as well as Hellenic philosophy.
M. Barthélemy St. Hilaire (Premier Mémoire sur le Sânkhya, Paris, 1852, pp. 392-396) observes as follows respecting the Sanscrit system of philosophy called Sânkhya, the doctrine expounded and enforced by the philosopher Kapila — and respecting Buddha and Buddhism which was built upon the Sânkhya, amending or modifying it. Buddha is believed to have lived about 547 B.C. Both the system of Buddha, and that of Kapila, are atheistic, as described by M. St. Hilaire.
“Le second point où Bouddha se sépare de Kapila concerne la doctrine. L’homme ne peut rester dans l’incertitude que Kapila lui laisse encore. L’âme délivrée, selon les doctrines de Kapila, peut toujours renaître. Il n’y a qu’un moyen, un seul moyen, de le sauver, — c’est de l’anéantir. Le néant seul est un sûr asile: on ne revient pas de celui là. — Bouddha lui promet le néant; et c’est avec cette promesse inouie qu’il a passionné les hommes et converti les peuples. Que cette monstrueuse croyance, partagée aujourd’hui par trois cents millions de sectateurs, révolte en nous les instincts les plus énergiques de notre nature — qu’elle soulève toutes les répugnances et toutes les horreurs de notre âme — qu’elle nous paraisse aussi incompréhensible que hideuse — peu importe. Une partie considérable de l’humanité l’a reçue, — prête même à la justifier par toutes les subtilités de la metaphysique la plus raffinée, et à la confesser dans les tortures des plus affreux supplices et les austérités homicides d’un fanatisme aveugle. Si c’est une gloire que de dominer souverainement, à travers les âges, la foi des hommes, — jamais fondateur de religion n’en eut une plus grande que le Bouddha: car aucun n’eut de prosélytes plus fidèles ni plus nombreux. Mais je me trompe: le Bouddha ne prétendait jamais fonder une réligion. Il n’était que philosophe: et instruit dans toutes les sciences des Brahmans, il ne voulut personnellement que fonder, à leur exemple, un nouveau système. Seulement, les moyens qu’il employait durent mener ses disciples plus loin qu’il ne comptait aller lui même. En s’adressant à la foule, il faut bientôt la discipliner et la régler. De là, cette ordination réligieuse que le Bouddha donnait à ses adeptes, la hiérarchie qu’il établissait entre eux, fondée uniquement, comme la science l’exigeait, sur le mérite divers des intelligences et des vertus — la douce et sainte morale qu’il prêchait, — le détachement de toutes choses en ce monde, si convenable à des ascètes qui ne pensent qu’au salut éternel — le vœu de pauvreté, qui est la première loi des Bouddhistes — et tout cet ensemble de dispositions qui constituent un gouvernement au lieu d’une école.
“Mais ce n’est là que l’extérieur du Bouddhisme: c’en est le développement matériel et nécessaire. Au fond, son principe est celui du Sânkhya: seulement, il l’applique en grand. — C’est la science qui délivre l’homme: et le Bouddha ajoute — Pour que l’homme soit délivré à jamais, il faut qu’il arrive au Nirvâna, c’est à dire, qu’il soit absolument anéanti. Le néant est donc le bout de la science: et le salut eternel, c’est l’anéantissement.”
The same line of argument is insisted on by M. Barthélemy St. Hilaire in his other work — Bouddha et sa réligion, Paris, 1862, ed. 2nd: especially in his Chapter on the Nirvâna: wherein moreover he complains justly of the little notice which authors take of the established beliefs of those varieties of the human race which are found apart from Christian Europe.