[45] Mission scientifique en Perse, vol. iv, Plates [40], [42], and [46].
[46] Cf. with these passages the vaulted passages to one side of the lîwân groups at Ukhaiḍir in courts B, C, G, and H.
[47] In the photograph there seems to be a low archway on the south side of the gate; it is, however, merely a hole in the wall, and I satisfied myself that there was originally no opening here.
[48] In the palace of Firûzâbâd the dome is of stone, but at Sarvistân it is of brick. The construction of the squinches at Chehâr Qapû is not like that of the Firûzâbâd squinches, but it is exactly similar to the Sarvistân work. Dieulafoy, L’Art antique de la Perse, vol. iv, Plates 5 and 14. Sarvistân is much nearer in date to Chehâr Qapû, see below, [p. 92.]
[49] Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad III, 163, quoted by Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Ḥîra sous les Omaiyades,’ Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de Beyrouth, vol. iv, p. 95.
[50] Lammens, op. cit., p. 92. In this brilliant article, and in a series of studies on the Umayyad khalifs, published in the same journal, Lammens has restored to the Umayyad period, which was neglected or wilfully misrepresented by Mohammadan historians, its capital importance. See too Musil, Qṣeir ‘Amra, p. 150 et seq.
[51] Lammens, op. cit., p. 106. Sir Charles Lyall me the following note: ‘I feel considerable doubt as to Lammens’s theory that the word ‘ḥîrah’ was used in the time of the Umayyads. The word is Syriac, not Arabic. See Nöldeke, Sassaniden, p. 25, note 1.’
[52] Ed. Wright, p. 46. See too John of Ephesus, iii, 42, where al-Mundhir’s sons are described as pitching a great ḥertâ in the desert.
[53] Nöldeke, Die ghassanischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna’s, p. 47.
[54] Possibly at Djâbiyah. Teano; Annali dell’ Islam, vol. iii, p. 928.