But at the best, all his movements are difficult to be understand by a civilian, though they may, for ought we know, have been part of an elaborate plan, perfected in accordance with the rules of military science, of which, it is said, he was a great student.
CHAPTER VI
THE RETROCESSION OF THE TRANSVAAL
The Queen’s Speech—President Brand and Lord Kimberley—Sir Henry de Villiers—Sir George Colley’s plan—Paul Kruger’s offer—Sir George Colley’s remonstrance—Complimentary telegrams—Effect of Majuba on the Boers and English Government—Collapse of the Government—Reasons of the Surrender—Professional sentimentalists—The Transvaal Independence Committee—Conclusion of the armistice—The preliminary peace—Reception of the news in Natal—Newcastle after the declaration of peace—Exodus of the loyal inhabitants of the Transvaal—The value of property in Pretoria—The Transvaal officials dismissed—The Royal Commission—Mode of trial of persons accused of atrocities—Decision of the Commission and its results—The severance of territory question—Arguments pro and con—Opinion of Sir E. Wood—Humility of the Commissioners and its cause—Their decision on the Keate award question—The Montsoia difficulty—The compensation and financial clauses of the report of the Commission—The duties of the British Resident—Sir E. Wood’s dissent from the report of the Commission—Signing of the Convention—Burial of the Union Jack—The native side of the question—Interview between the Commissioners and the native chiefs—Their opinion of the surrender—Objections of the Boer Volksraad to the Convention—Mr. Gladstone temporises—The ratification—Its insolent tone—Mr. Hudson, the British Resident—The Boer festival—The results of the Convention—The larger issue of the matter—Its effect on the Transvaal—Its moral aspects—Its effect on the native mind.
When Parliament met in January 1881, the Government announced, through the mediumship of the Queen’s Speech, that it was their intention to vindicate Her Majesty’s authority in the Transvaal. I have already briefly described the somewhat unfortunate attempts to gain this end by force of arms: and I now propose to follow the course of the diplomatic negotiations entered into by the Ministry with the same object.
As soon as the hostilities in the Transvaal took a positive form, causing great dismay among the Home authorities, whose paths, as we all know, are the paths of peace—at any price; and whilst, in the first confusion of calamity, they knew not where to turn, President Brand stepped upon the scene in the character of “Our Mutual Friend,” and, by the Government at any rate, was rapturously welcomed.
This gentleman has for many years been at the head of the Government of the Orange Free State, whose fortunes he had directed with considerable ability. He is a man of natural talent and kind-hearted disposition, and has the advancement of the Boer cause in South Africa much at heart. The rising in the Transvaal was an event that gave him a great and threefold opportunity: first, of interfering with the genuinely benevolent object of checking bloodshed; secondly, of advancing the Dutch cause throughout South Africa under the cloak of amiable neutrality, and striking a dangerous blow at British supremacy over the Dutch and British prestige with the natives; and, thirdly, of putting the English Government under a lasting obligation to him. Of this opportunity he has availed himself to the utmost in each particular.
So soon as things began to look serious, Mr. Brand put himself into active telegraphic communication with the various British authorities with the view of preventing bloodshed by inducing the English Government to accede to the Boer demands. He was also earnest in his declarations that the Free State was not supporting the Transvaal; which, considering that it was practically the insurgent base of supplies, where they had retired their women, children, and cattle, and that it furnished them with a large number of volunteers, was perhaps straining the truth.
About this time also we find Lord Kimberley telegraphing to Mr. Brand that “if only the Transvaal Boers will desist from armed opposition to the Queen’s authority,” he thinks some arrangement might be made. This is the first indication made public of what was passing in the minds of Her Majesty’s Government, on whom its radical supporters were now beginning to put the screw, to induce or threaten them into submitting to the Boer demands.