Hidden Treasures; Or, Why Some Succeed While Others Fail

by Harry A. Lewis

The grand jury of the federal circuit court for Pennsylvania set the example of an address to the president, applauding his manly stand for the rights and dignity of the nation. Philadelphia, which under the lead of Mifflin and McKean, had gone over to the Republicans, was once more suddenly converted as during Washington's first term to the support of the federal government. That city was then the seat of the national newspaper press. All the newspapers, hitherto neutral, published there, as well as several others which had leaned decidedly toward the opposition, now came out in behalf of Adams.

Besides an address from five thousand citizens, the young men got up an address of their own. This example was speedily imitated all over the country, and the spirited replies of the president, who was now in his element, served in their turn to blow up and keep ablaze the patriotic enthusiasm of his countrymen. These addresses, circulated everywhere in the newspapers, were collected at the time in a volume, and they appeared in Adams' works, of which they form a characteristic portion. A navy was set on foot, the old continental navy having become extinct. An army was voted and partly levied, of which Washington accepted the chief command, and merchant ships were authorized to protect themselves.

The treaty with France was declared at an end, and a quasi war with France ensued. It was not, however, the policy of France to drive the United States into the arms of Great Britain. Even before Gerry's departure, Talleyrand had made advances tending toward reconciliation, which were afterward renewed by communications opened with Van Murray, the American minister to Holland. The effect of the French outrages, and the progress of the French revolution had been to create in a part of the federal party, at least, a desire for an absolute breach with France—a desire felt by Hamilton, and by at least three out of the four cabinet officers whom Adams had chosen and kept in office.

In his message to congress, announcing the expulsion of Pickney and Marshall, Adams had declared that he would never send another minister to France without assurance that he would be received. This was on the 21st of July, 1798. Therefore, when on the 18th of February following, without consulting his cabinet or giving them any intimation of his intentions, he sent into the senate the nomination of Van Murray as minister to France, the act took the country by surprise, and thus hastened the defeat of the federal party, his actions being so contrary to his avowed intentions. Some previous acts of Adams, such as the appointment of Gerry, which his cabinet officers had striven to prevent, and his disinclination to make Hamilton second in command, until vehemently urged into it by Washington, had strengthened the distrust entertained of Adams by Hamilton.

Adams, in his attempt to reopen diplomatic intercourse with France, was accused of seeking to reconcile his political opponents of the Republican party, and thus secure by unworthy and impolitic concessions, his own re-election as president. The opposition to Van Murray's nomination prevailed so far that he received two colleagues, Ellsworth of Connecticut and Davies of North Carolina; but the president would not authorize the departure of Ellsworth or Davies until he had received explicit assurances from Talleyrand that they would be duly received as ministers. On arriving in France they found the Directory superseded by Napoleon Bonaparte who was first counsel, with whom they managed to arrange the difficulty.

But, however beneficial to the country, this mission proved very disastrous to Adams personally, and to the political party to which he belonged. He justified its appointment on the ground of assurances conveyed to him through a variety of channels that France desired peace, and he excused himself for his not having consulted his cabinet by the fact that he knew their mind without asking it—to be decidedly hostile, that is, to any such attempt as he had decided to make.

The masses of the federalists, fully confident of Adams' patriotism, were well enough disposed to acquiesce in his judgment; but many of the leaders were implacable. The quarrel was further aggravated by Adams' dismissal of his cabinet officers and the construction of a new cabinet.

The pardon of Fries, who had been convicted of treason for armed resistance to the levy of certain direct taxes in Pennsylvania, was regarded by many at that time as a piece of misplaced lenity on the part of Adams, dictated, it was said, by a mean desire of popularity in a case where the severest example was needed. But Adams can hardly suffer with posterity from his unwillingness to be the first president to sign a death warrant for treason, especially as there was room for grave doubts whether the doings of this person amounted to treason as defined by the constitution of the United States.

In this divided condition of the Federal party the presidential election came on. Adams was still too popular with the mass of the party to think of dropping him altogether, and the malcontents reduced to the old expedient of attempting, by secret understanding and arrangements, to reduce his vote in the electoral college below that of C. C. Pickney, the other candidate on the federal ticket.

The Republicans, on the other hand, under the prospect of an arrangement with France, rapidly recovered from the blow inflicted upon them by the violence and mercenary rapacity lately charged upon their French friends, but which they now insisted, was a charge without foundation. Taking advantage of the dissatisfaction at the heavy taxes necessarily imposed to meet the expenses of warlike preparations, and especially of the unpopularity of the alien and sedition laws—two acts of congress to which the prospect of war had led—they pushed the canvass with great energy; while in Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr they had two leaders unsurpassed for skill in party tactics, and in Burr at least, one little scrupulous as to the means to be used.