Hidden Treasures; Or, Why Some Succeed While Others Fail

by Harry A. Lewis

Not only was the whole blame of the alien and sedition acts, to which he had merely assented without even recommending, laid on Adams' shoulders, but he was the object of vehement and most bitter attacks for having surrendered, under one of the provisions of Jay's treaty, one Thomas Nash, an English sailor, charged with mutiny and murder. Nor was it against his public acts alone, nor even to his political opponents, that these assaults on Mr. Adams were confined. With strong feeling and busy imagination, loving both to talk and write, Adams had been betrayed into many confidences and into free expressions of feeling, opinions, and even conjectures and suspicions—a weakness very unsuited to the character of a statesman, and one which Adams had during his life many times the occasion to rue.

During Washington's first term of office, Adams had thus been led into a confidential correspondence with Tench Coxe, who at that time held the position of assistant secretary of the treasury and had afterward been appointed supervisor of the internal revenue. Since Adam's accession he had been dismissed from his place on the charge of being a spy upon the treasury department in the service of the Aurora, the principal newspaper organ of the opposition,—with which party Coxe sympathized, and, since his recent dismissal from office, acted.

In this state of mind Coxe betrayed a confidential letter to him from Adams; which, after being handed around in manuscript for some time, to the great damage of Adams with his own party, was finally printed in the Aurora, of which Coxe had become one of the principal contributors.

The purport of this letter, written as long ago as May, 1792, was to give countenance to the charge of the opposition that Washington's cabinet, and of course Adams' which followed the same policy, was under British influence; and that the Pickney brothers, candidates with Adams on the presidential ticket, were especially liable to this suspicion. The publication of this letter was followed by a still more deadly blow in the shape of a pamphlet, written, printed and signed by Hamilton,—probably intended by him for private distribution among his friends, but which was made public by Aaron Burr, who had succeed in obtaining some of the proof sheets.

This pamphlet had its origin in the same charge against Hamilton of being under the influence of British gold, thrown out by Adams in private conversation. To this he had refused to give any explanation when written to by Hamilton, though when a similar request was made by C. C. Pickney in consequence of the publication of the letter to Coxe, Adams fully exonerated, in a published letter, both Pickney and his brother from any suspicion which his letter to Coxe might seem calculated to convey.

Hamilton declared in the conclusion of his pamphlet that, as things then stood, he did not recommend the withholding of a single vote from Adams. Yet, it was the leading object of his pamphlet to show, without denying Adams' patriotism or integrity, or even his talents, that he had great defects of character which disqualified him for the position of chief magistrate, and the effect which he desired it to have must have been to give C. C. Pickney the presidency, by causing a certain number of votes to be withheld from Adams.

The result of the election, however, was to throw out both the federal candidates, while Adams receiving forty-five votes and Pickney fifty-four; Jefferson and Burr each received seventy-three. In the ensuing struggle between Jefferson and Burr, Adams took no part whatever. Immediately on the expiration of his term of office he left Washington, where shortly before the seat of government had been moved, without even stopping to be present at the inauguration of Jefferson, against whom he felt a sense of personal wrong, probably thinking he had been deluded by false professions as to Jefferson's views on the presidential chair.

Though both were much given to letter-writing, and had to within a short time before been on terms of friendly intercourse, this state of feelings, on the part of Adams, led to strict non-intercourse for the next thirteen years. The only acknowledgment which Adams carried with him, in this unwelcome and mortifying retirement for his twenty-five years' services was the privilege, which had been granted to Washington on his withdrawal from the presidency, and after his death to his widow, and bestowed likewise upon all subsequent ex-presidents and their widows, of receiving his letters free of postage for the remainder of his life.

Fortunately for Adams, his thrifty habits and love of independence, sustained during his absence from home by the economical and managing talents of his wife, had enabled him to add to what he had saved from his profession before entering public life, savings from his salaries, enough to make up a sufficient property to support him for the remainder of his life, in conformity with his ideas of a decent style of propriety and solid comfort. Almost all his savings he had invested in the farming lands about him. In his vocabulary, property meant land. With all the rapid wealth then being made through trade and navigation, he had no confidence in the permanency of any property but land, views in which he was confirmed by the commercial revulsions of which he lived to be a witness.

Adams was the possessor, partly by inheritance and partly by purchase, of his father's farm, including the house in which he himself was born. He had, however, transferred his own residence to a larger and handsomer dwelling near by, which had been forfeited by one of the refugee tories of the revolution and purchased by him, where he spent the next quarter of a century.