Nature and Culture

by Harvey Rice

In order to facilitate the accumulation of wealth, and achieve their ambitious aims, individuals consolidate their capital in corporations, and corporations consolidate themselves into overgrown monopolies. In this way almost every leading branch of trade and of manufactures, as well as railroad interests, shipping interests, and telegraph lines, are merged in corporations,—in fact, nearly all that remains of individuality is lost in corporationality. Of course the mere individual, however meritorious, becomes literally powerless unless recognized by a corporation. Though a trite saying, it is nevertheless true that corporations are "soulless," and therefore devoid of human feeling and of human sympathies. Among the most formidable of these monopolies are the railroad corporations, ever busy in weaving their spider-like webs over the entire continent. In discharging their duties to the public they seldom subordinate their own interests.

Almost every man of wealth in America is a stockholder in one or more incorporated companies, and will of course act politically, as well as individually, in accordance with his interests. Both the commercial and financial operations of the country are essentially in the hands of corporations. They in fact monopolize the banking institutions; and if they do not control, they evidently desire to control, the legislation and government of the entire country. Indeed, the time has already come, when in quite too many instances the popular voice yields to the corporative voice, while personal merit and qualification for office become questions of secondary importance. It is easy to be seen that corporative interests have become not only gigantic, but are engaged, with pick and spade, in undermining the very foundations of the Republic. If the people would preserve their equal rights, and enjoy the blessings of a free government, they must not only remember, but act on the principle, that "eternal vigilance is the price of liberty."

It is owing to the tendency of capital to combine its productive energies that working-men, as they are pleased to designate themselves, conceive the idea that capital and labor are antagonistic in their interests. Hence working-men, especially miners and mechanics, combine against capitalists for the purpose of securing higher rates of wages. In doing this, they resort to "strikes," violate their contracts, and dictate their own prices. If their terms are not accepted, they refuse to work, and the great leading industries of the country are crippled, if not suspended. A train of moral and physical evils follows, which are more seriously felt by the "strikers" than by capitalists. If movements of this kind are continued, the obvious result will be to drive capital out of the country to seek a more reliable investment. It is labor that produces capital, and capital that furnishes labor. The one must depend on the other. Their interests are therefore mutual, and both are entitled to equal protection; their relations to each other must necessarily be regulated by the law of supply and demand. There is no other law or power that can do it. If force be applied, it is certain to react. Yet the field is alike open to all. The laborer often becomes a capitalist, and the capitalist a laborer. What are known as "strikes," therefore, can effect no lasting good to any one. They are but elements of social discord, which demagogues seize and control for their own aggrandizement. In fact, "Trades Unions" are nothing more nor less than organized conspiracies against capitalists and the best interests of the country. If tolerated, the government itself is in danger of being ultimately subverted. It is clear that the tendency of these unions is to produce disunion. They have already become so formidable in numbers and in political influence as to render it doubtful whether any legislation could be obtained, or military power enforced, which would either control or restrain them in their action and ultimate aims. In view of this state of things, it would seem that the time has come when the American people, as a nation, should pause and "take the sober second thought."

It is often said that the world is governed too much. But so far as this country is concerned, the reverse seems much nearer the truth. Our government is presumed to be the creature of public opinion. In theory it is so; but in practice we generally find that what is called public opinion is manufactured by a few scheming politicians, through the instrumentalities of packed conventions and a subservient public press. And hence candidates for office are selected with a view to their availability rather than for their known capacity and integrity. This failure to select the best men of the country to govern it, and administer its laws, has already resulted in degrading American character by the corrupt practices which it has generated, if not sanctioned, in every department of government, whether federal, State, or municipal.

In fact, dangers lurk on every side. There is no safety, unless it can be found in the virtue and intelligence of the people. If in this respect the people are deficient, it is the fault of their education. The rights of citizenship should depend on education, and the masses, if need be, should be educated by compulsion. As it now is, the learned professions are regarded as the main pillars that sustain the social fabric. They in fact give tone to public sentiment, and erect the standard of public morals. The masses accept their opinions, and seldom question their accuracy; and yet the masses are often misled. The few corrupt the many. Hence it is that we so often see the lawyer, the doctor, and even the clergyman, swayed in their action by political incentives; and especially is this true of professed politicians and official dignitaries. As a matter of course, public sentiment becomes demoralized, and almost every species of fraud and corruption comes to be regarded as quite respectable. If for this state of things there be a remedy, it is only to be found in our public schools and in the moral teachings of our churches. It is here that the work of reform must begin, the sooner the better. It should begin by re-laying the foundations of the Republic deeper and broader, and with principles as solid and permanent as the masonry of the everlasting hills. When this great radical work has been accomplished, the threatening clouds which now cast their shadows over our national future

"Will fold their tents like the Arabs,

And as silently steal away."

While in the tendencies of the age we see much to admire, we also see much to be regretted. In a word, there is too much friction in the complicated machinery that spins and weaves the web and woof of American character. In religion, morals, and politics, wide differences of opinion are to be expected, yet they should be honest. While a free public press may be regarded in theory as the "palladium of American liberty," it seems to proceed practically on the belief that its own interests are the public interests. Especially is this true of the political press. Money, instead of principle, is too often its guiding star. By its influence, men in office and out of office are made and unmade at pleasure. And this will ever be the case so long as editorial utterances are accepted as oracular. And yet there is hope, and perhaps safety, even in the freedom of our partisan prints, so long as they continue to expose the falsities of each other, whatever may be their motives. If, as in China, the head of every editor who knowingly publishes an untruth were demanded as a forfeit, it is to be feared that gentlemen of the "tripod" would soon become "few and far between" in this broad land of the free. Yet the newspaper is the controlling power of the government, and the mouth-piece of public sentiment. Editors should therefore appreciate their responsibility, as well as "take the responsibility."

Though rotation in office may be regarded as a wholesome principle in the administration of a popular government, it is evident from the history of the past that frequent elections tend to disturb the peace and harmony of society. One political campaign scarcely ends before another begins. Especially is this true of our Presidential elections. The spirit of these elections extends to all our local elections, and often renders them equally bitter and intolerant.