Nature and Culture

by Harvey Rice

These are growing evils which seem to threaten the stability of the Republic, and which require the application of a radical remedy. In the first place, the right of suffrage should be made uniform in all the States, and extend to none except citizens who can read, write, and speak the English language. This must be done, if we would preserve our American nationality from a confusion of tongues and the contamination of disloyal principles. In the next place, the President should be elected by a direct popular vote for a term of eight or ten years, and be rendered ineligible thereafter.

If provisions of this character were incorporated into the federal Constitution, the President would have no other motive in the discharge of his official duties than a desire to make for himself a good record; while professional politicians would disappear, and our county be saved from the demoralizing influences of a constant partisan warfare.

In regard to the Presidential question, the keynote is usually sounded by the friends of the administration, who wish to retain its patronage, or by opponents, who seek to overthrow it for the sake of the "spoils." Though candidates for office contend loudly for principles and reform, it is evident that with many of them the public treasury is the centre of attraction. It is true, however, that there are some honorable exceptions,—some men who are influenced by patriotic motives, who love their country and desire to promote its real welfare, and who would rather "do right than be President of the United States."

In a government like ours, which is essentially partisan in its character, there exists a manifest want of promptitude in the exercise of its central power. In other words, it takes a republic too long to move and execute in a crisis. It is prevented from doing this by the popular trammels which environ it. And yet it is often as difficult to ascertain what is the popular will as it is to comply with it. For this reason it is often a slavish fear, rather than a sense of right, that controls the administration of the government. Even our best men, when placed in power, become so sensitive to public opinion that their moral courage "oozes out at their fingers' ends." They see lions in their path, and therefore fear to do their duty. So long as a love of office, rather than a love of country, influences the action of the politician and the statesman, there can be neither strength nor stability in the framework of democratic institutions. For an illustration of this, we need only appeal to the histories of Greece and Rome. America has produced, however, many model men, and doubtless will produce many more of a like character. It is men that we want,—men of nerve and pluck, as well as men of wisdom, not only to enact our laws, but to administer them. All conspiracies of one class against the rights of another class, or against the rights of individuals, should by Congressional enactment be declared crimes, and the perpetrators promptly punished, no matter by what name their associations may be known. It is the prompt enforcement of criminal law that gives it moral force and overawes the offender.

It is impossible to predict the future, except as we see it from a standpoint of the present. Hence it is, perhaps, that we apprehend dangers when there are none. Yet we know that the elements of dissolution are incorporated into the very material that constitutes the universe. And so it is with the nations of the earth. The law of change is universal. It affects alike both the moral and the physical world. In his desires, man, as an individual, is insatiable; and so are nations. It is a prominent trait of Americans to want territory, and to acquire territory. They must have elbow-room; but the misfortune is, they do not know when they have enough. It seems as if they aspired to grasp the world and to govern the world.

It is doubtless true that we, as a nation, have already acquired too much territory. The result is, the government has become unwieldly, and the danger great that it will break down, sooner or later, of its own weight. So vast is the national domain, and so various is it in its climate, productions, and population, that its central power cannot so legislate as to do equal justice to all interests, and at the same time harmonize the conflict of public sentiment. This state of things had its influence in producing the outbreak of the late Rebellion. For grievances of this character there would seem to be no other remedy than that of revolution.

We can but hope, however, that the States now known as the United States will continue to increase in numbers, and to harmonize as one people, one nation, and one government. Yet it is quite possible that the time will come when they will sever into groups and become independent of their present federal relation to each other, in accordance with their peculiar sectional interests, "peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must." Then, instead of one, we shall probably have several independent American confederacies, whose future boundaries are clearly indicated, not only by differences of climate and productions, but by Nature, as marked by her great intervening rivers, lakes, and mountain ranges. These confederacies, when organized, will doubtless consist of those groups of States now known as the Eastern, Western, Southern, and Pacific States.

In addition to sectional interests and geographical differences, there are other considerations tending to induce a division of the Union. Among these are an almost unlimited number of political aspirants, and a rapidly increasing population. In Europe, and in many parts of Asia, an overgrown population, in connection with geographical differences and tribal distinctions, is doubtless the original cause which led to subdivisions of empire, and the establishment of so many petty kingdoms as now exist in those countries. The same causes are evidently at work on the American continent, and must ultimately produce similar results. In little more than a century our population has increased from seven to sixty millions. In the next century, at present rates, the increase from natural growth and the influx from foreign emigration will in all probability approximate two or three hundred millions. Europe alone, judging from present indications, will transfer to this continent within that period a large share of that number. If this be assumed as worthy of credence, is it not time that we, as American citizens, should look ahead, as well as go ahead, and if possible, preserve our national character?

It is true that an intermixture of foreign blood with American blood may tend to develop a higher order of manhood; yet when we go so far as to permit foreign languages to be taught in our public schools at the public expense, as essential to an American education, and that, too, at the dictation of denizens whose education and predilections are in conflict with our own, have we not reason to fear the ultimate results? If this insidious influence of foreign growth be allowed to control our educational system, it will not be long before we shall adopt foreign habits and sentiments, and lose forever our American nationality.

If America would be true to herself, she must preserve not only the purity of her principles, but the purity of her spoken language. If foreigners choose to become American citizens, they must expect to become Americanized in language and sentiment, as well as accept our form of government. We want no foreign element incorporated into our free institutions which does not harmonize with them. In a word, we want no union of Church and State, no "confusion of tongues" in our public schools, no aping of foreign manners and habits, no foreign dictation,—nothing but pure American freedom and pure American principles.