We must urge the measure especially on the ground that there is no characteristic duty for the particular grades, but that with the proposed promotion not only will all our captains, but many of the lieutenants, have the same duties essentially as field officers.
The chiefs of our three corps have been consulted and approve our course. The Secretary of War is also favorable and advises us to this action. General Shields will strongly support it.
Every man must help in this business, if he approves of it. The committee desires each officer to correspond without delay with such members of Congress as he personally knows, and lay before them at length the grounds why this measure of relief should become a law.
Let me hear from you soon, and let us all put our shoulders to the wheel. If each officer can carry conviction to the understanding of one member of Congress, the measure will prevail.
His friend, General Shields, then senator from Illinois, presented the memorial and advocated the bill in the Senate with hearty goodwill. The young major of engineers lost no suitable opportunity of impressing other members with the justice of the measure, and his earnest and forcible language, straightforward sincerity, and rising reputation for character and ability made him always listened to with attention and respect. He enjoyed the satisfaction of seeing the bill become a law in 1853, and of receiving the well-earned thanks and plaudits of his brother officers.
The subject of the reorganization of the army, which ever since the Mexican war held first place in his thoughts and correspondence, now engrossed his attention more than ever. His enlarged views, patriotic spirit, and generous nature abhorred the personal and corps jealousies too rife among army officers. He was emphatically an army man, not a corps man, seeking the best for the whole army and the country, and not the advancement of his corps or himself. Accordingly he corresponded on this subject with officers of every branch of the service, and especially with those who had served on the frontier; for he rightly foresaw that the most important duties devolving upon the army would be the exploration of the vast regions acquired by the Mexican war, and the protection of the settlers thereon. By this correspondence he sought to draw out and gather the views of the ablest and most experienced officers, in order to unite them upon, and to formulate, a sound scheme of army reorganization, and to impress it upon the country and Congress. He wrote very many letters setting forth his own views, and urging other officers to treat upon one or another branch of the subject, or to pursue some line of inquiry, and called upon them freely to look up authorities and collect information. Thus he induced Major H.J. Hunt to prepare valuable papers upon artillery and army reorganization in general. He begs Captain Kendrick to prepare a memoir on the New Mexico military problem; Lieutenant-Colonel W.J. Hardee, on the defense of the frontier; Captain G.W. Smith, on “General Camp of Discipline, where all the army come together to learn the military art;” Captain George B. McClellan, on engineer troops; Captain G.W. Cullum, subject of military instruction; and others. Most of these officers responded readily and favorably to his appeals. In the following letters his ideas are clearly stated:—
My dear Hunt,—We must move quietly as well as firmly in this matter [army reorganization]. We must make up our minds to encounter a violent opposition. The bureaucracy of Washington will probably be against us. We should first endeavor to get their aid, at least their neutrality in whole or in part. If they combine against reform, we must resolve to accomplish reform in spite of them. But time is necessary. A right direction to public opinion is necessary. Many men in Congress, the able men, must understand the question and be ready to act. We must first, then, enlighten public opinion, and enlighten members of Congress. We must bide our time, and, when it comes, act.
Let it first, then, be stirred quietly in the army. Let a great many officers in all good time, all discreet and sensible men, be interested, and let them write for the papers....
We must work to get public men informed. I would not have the movement partake in the slightest degree of a party character. But we must act on the known fact that the Democratic party is the only party that can govern the country. The Whig party is totally incompetent. We must throw our strength chiefly on Democrats. Douglas would be a tower of strength in the Senate. Would it not be a good idea to address a series of letters to him, and request him, if he approves of their general spirit, to publish them in the “Washington Union”? This he could do without pledging himself to the particular views of the letters. In the House is Fuller, of Maine, a new member but a rising man, a particular friend of mine. There is Bissel, of Illinois. There is Rusk, of Texas. General Bayly, Stanton, of Tennessee, and others I might mention, are strong, reliable men. The Southern disunion men will look coldly on all attempts to improve the army. Mr. Burt will be lukewarm. I am somewhat fearful of Jefferson Davis. But they are both strong, good men, and we should act on the presumption that sectional views will not sway them from their duty.
Yours, etc.,
I.I. Stevens.