The town of Germantown consisted of a single street, not so straight that a complete range of fire could reach its entire length, nor so uniform in grade that a gun at Mt. Aury, its summit, could have a clean sweep. The headquarters of Washington were near Pennebeck Mills, twenty miles from Philadelphia. At seven o’clock of the evening of October third, he moved with two-thirds of his army by four roads which more or less directly approached the British encampments, intending to gain proximate positions, rest his troops, and attack the entire British line at daybreak. The plan of the movement is of interest for its boldness and good method. The incidents of the morning, which by reason of fog and other mishaps rendered the battle less decisive, will not be fully detailed.[[6]] The woods, ravines, and difficulties in the way of clear recognition between friend and foe, in that engagement, only enhance the value of the general plan, and of the cool self-possession and control of his army which enabled Washington to terminate the action without greater loss.
[6]. See “Battles of the American Revolution,” Chapter LI.
Sullivan and Wayne, with Conway in advance as a flanking corps, were to move directly over Chestnut Hill and enter the town. Maxwell and Nash, under Major-General Stirling, were to follow this column as a reserve. Armstrong, with the Pennsylvania militia, was sent down the Manatawny River road, to cross the Wissahickon Creek, and fall upon the British left wing and rear. Greene and Stephen, led and flanked by McDougall’s Brigade, were to move by the Limestone Road, enter the village at the Market House, and attack the British right wing. Generals Smallwood and Forman, with the Maryland and New Jersey militia, were to follow the old York road until a convenient opportunity should bring them to the extreme right and rear of the enemy. (See map.)
Washington accompanied Sullivan’s command; and was able, from his advanced position, early in the fight, to appreciate that by the failure of an identity of support on the part of the most remote divisions, the withdrawal of the army had become necessary. The occupation of the stone building, known as the Chew House, on the main street, had little significance; except that it misled the outlying divisions as to the real centre of conflict, and detained the rear-guard and reserve longer than necessary. The concurrent action of all the assailing columns, in the directions indicated by their orders, would have made the issue a well-balanced question of victory or failure. One single incident is mentioned. General Stephen left Greene’s command without orders, and moved toward the sound of firing at the Chew House, only to find himself firing into Wayne’s command, which was in its right place. He was dismissed, on charges of intoxication.
General Sullivan was in his best element when under superior command; and his conduct on this occasion was admirable. His two aides were killed, and his division rendered most efficient service. General Nash was among the killed, and the American casualties numbered six hundred and seventy-three, besides four hundred and twelve prisoners.
The British casualties were five hundred and thirty-five, but among the killed were General Agnew and Lieutenant-Colonel Bird.
Washington regained Metuchen Hill, very little disturbed by the small detachments that hung upon his rear; and Howe returned to Philadelphia, abandoning his encampment beyond the city limits.
The Battle of Germantown is a signal illustration of a skilful design, and, at the same time, of the ease with which a victory almost achieved can be as quickly lost. Its effect upon European minds was signally impressive, as will hereafter more fully appear. Count de Vergennes, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, in speaking of the report of this battle which reached him December 12th, said: “Nothing has struck me so much, as General Washington’s attacking and giving battle to General Howe’s army. To bring troops raised within the year, to do this, promises everything.”