Washington the Soldier

by Henry B. Carrington

The struggle for American independence and the career of the American Commander-in-Chief very minutely foreshadowed the experience of most successful soldiers with the political manipulations of partisans in Congress ever since. The “On to Richmond,” and the “On to Washington” cries of 1861, and the fluctuations of the popular pulse with the incidents of successive campaigns in the civil war, were used by demagogues for selfish ends. But the same spirit had shown itself in a degree quite as repugnant to devoted sons of liberty, during the throes which accompanied this nation’s birth.

Nothing seemed too exacting as a test of the American Commander-in-Chief. As the war enlarged its scope, and the prospects of success brightened for the moment, clamorous aspirants for office multiplied. The personal bravery of the soldier was magnified at the expense of discipline. The slow progress of the army was charged to excessive caution. Nothing, so far as politicians were concerned, was deemed too hard for the American militia, if only the right sort of a quack administered their action, and led them to its tests. But the consciousness of unselfish devotion to duty, never boldly impeached, and ever unimpeachable, sustained Washington. Amid these clamors for office and preferment from Congressmen and politicians, his faith in righteous methods, in patient training, in kind and considerate treatment of all who took part in the struggle, whatever their antecedents or rank, never for a moment swerved. His purpose and his self-control matured, until he attained such calm contempt for jealousy and intrigue that he could move on through the deepest waters, regardless of restless, dashing wave-crests.

The Battle of Germantown, and Howe’s abandonment of his suburban encampment, naturally suggested the immediate occupation of Philadelphia by the American army. It, like Boston, “must be seized” at once. The “almost” victory on the fourth of October, blinded the vision of many to the broader range of national activity which Washington’s supervision embraced. News of the surrender of Burgoyne reached his headquarters on the eighteenth day of October. He promptly congratulated General Gates and the northern army, in terms of most, gracious sincerity and emphasis. And yet, General Gates presumed to send his Report to Congress direct, and not to his Commander-in-Chief. Then, the “almost” victory of Washington over Howe, at Germantown, was contrasted with the complete victory of Gates over Burgoyne. The fact that Washington fought with fewer numbers, and these, of hungry, poorly armed men, nearly worn out by marches and counter-marches, while the northern army, three to one of their adversaries, simply penned up first, and then starved out, a force that had not rations for another day, counted little with these pseudo-scientific experts. And yet, let it ever be remembered, that the British garrison of Philadelphia was not panting for any more field service. The very restriction of that garrison to city limits and the immediate suburbs, proved not only subversive of their discipline and efficiency, but ultimately vindicated the wisdom of Washington. He saw distinctly, just how its partial inaction afforded him time to mature his own army organization; while the garrison of New York must, of necessity, be kept equally passive, for lack of this very strong detachment which idled in barracks, on the banks of the Delaware.

But while the garrison of Philadelphia limited its excursions to plundering farms and the country adjacent for wood, forage and provisions generally, both commanding generals were studying the relations of the Delaware River to the conduct of all future operations upon any decisive scale. The river had been so obstructed that the fleet of Admiral Howe, which had been compelled to land his army at the head of the Chesapeake in September, could not yet communicate with the army since it gained the city. He arrived off Newcastle on the sixth day of October. Washington realized that by retaining control of the Delaware he not only restricted the supply of provisions and military stores to the garrison, but retained easy communications with New Jersey and the Camps of Instruction and rendezvous at the adequately fortified posts of Morristown and Middlebrook.

At Billingsport, chevaux-de-frise obstructed the channel. Just below the mouth of the Schuylkill was Fort Mifflin, on Mud Island. On the opposite shore, at Red Bank, was Fort Mercer. Washington determined to maintain these posts, or make their acquisition by the enemy most costly in men and materials. His foresight grasped, as if in hand, the rapidly maturing facts, that Britain could not much longer meet the drain of the American war and at the same time hold her own against her European foes; and that America needed only a thoroughly concerted effort to consummate her independence.

Colonel Christopher Green, courageous at Bunker Hill and during Arnold’s expedition to Canada, was assigned to command Fort Mercer, with troops from his own State, Rhode Island. Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, of Maryland, with Maryland troops, was stationed at Fort Mifflin. These little garrisons were strengthened by the detail of four hundred Continental troops to each. In these details, the same wisdom marked Washington’s choice; as Angel’s Rhode Island regiment reported to Greene, and a portion of Greene’s Virginia regiment reported to Smith.

The British army was not an idle observer of these movements. On the twenty-second of October, the two Grenadier regiments of Donop and Minnigerode, and two regiments of the line, with the Infantry Chasseurs (all Hessian), with eight 3–pounders and two howitzers, approached Fort Mercer and demanded its surrender. They had crossed at Coopers Ferry on the twenty-first, slightly interrupted by skirmishers, and on the following morning suddenly emerged from the woods, expecting an easy and an immediate victory. Defiance was returned to their demand. Two assaulting columns, already formed, made an immediate and simultaneous advance upon the north and south faces of the fort. The garrison, however, knowing that it could not hold the exterior works, which were still incomplete, retired to the interior defences; but still occupied a curtain of the old works, which afforded an enfilading fire upon any storming party which should attempt the inner stockade. The withdrawal of the garrison from the exterior works was misunderstood. The assault was bold, desperate, and brilliant. The resistance was incessant, deadly, overwhelming. Colonel Donop fell, mortally wounded, and near him, Lieutenant-Colonel Minnigerode. These confident assailants lost, in less than sixty minutes, four hundred men—being one-third of their entire force. And still, one more attempt was made at the escarpment near the river; but here also the Americans were on the alert. Armed galleys in the stream opened a raking fire at short range, and dispersed the assailants. Two British ships—the Augusta (64–gun man-of-war), and the Merlin (frigate), which had been so disposed as to aid the assault, grounded. On the next day, the former took fire from a hot shot, and blew up, before her entire crew could escape; and the Merlin was burned, to avoid capture. The American loss was fourteen killed and twenty-one wounded. Colonel Donop was buried carefully by Major Fleury, a French officer in the American service, and his grave at the south end of the old works is still an object of interest to visitors. Colonel Greene, Lieutenant-Colonel Smith, and Commodore Hazlewood of the galley service, received from Washington and from Congress worthy testimonials for “gallant conduct.”

In the meantime, the British had found two solid points of land amid the marshy ground at the mouth of the Schuylkill River, within cannon-range of Fort Mifflin, where they constructed two heavy batteries bearing upon that fort. Four 32–pounders from the Somerset and six 24–pounders from the Eagle, with one 13–inch mortar, were added to works erected on Province Island, to bring a more direct fire upon the fort than could be secured from the batteries at the mouth of the Schuylkill River. (See map.)

In order to anticipate a possible movement of troops into New Jersey, in case of a successful assault upon Fort Mifflin, Washington ordered General Varnum’s brigade to take post at Woodbury, near Red Bank, and General Forman to rally the New Jersey militia to his support. But the British made no attempt to land. The later assault upon the fort, made on the tenth, was successful. Seven ships of the British fleet joined in the attack; among them the Somerset, the Roebuck, and the Pearl, which had taken part in operations before Boston and New York. Lieutenant-Colonel Smith was wounded early in the action and removed to Fort Mercer, Major Thayer succeeding to the command. Major Fleury, who planned the works, was also wounded; and after a loss of two hundred and fifty men, the remnant of the garrison, on the night of the fifteenth, retired to Fort Mercer. At dawn of the sixteenth, the Grenadiers of the Royal Guards occupied the island.