The Emperor’s intentions, however, were fully revealed in an autograph letter to General Forey, which was written in July and in which his grasping ambition stood out in the boldest relief. He wrote: “In the present state of civilization of the world, the prosperity of America is not a subject of indifference to Europe, for she nourishes our manufactures and gives life to our commerce. We are interested in having the Republic of the United States a powerful and prosperous power, but we are not willing to have that Republic take possession of the entire Gulf of Mexico, command from there the Antilles as well as South America, and monopolize the distribution of the products of the New World. To prevent this, a stable Government must be established in Mexico, and we will in that event have restored to the Latin race on the other side of the Atlantic its power and prestige.”
Napoleon completely overdid the thing in this letter to General Forey. The vaulting ambition which overleaps itself and falls on the other side stuck out too plainly. He showed that he wanted the whole earth, and this aroused the resentment of the South. In the following August, M. Theron, a French consul in Texas, inspired by Napoleonic ideas of annexation, coolly contemplated the transformation of Texas to a French republic, and confided his project to Governor Lubbock of that State, who apprised Jefferson Davis of the consul’s aspirations. This was too much even for the Confederate Government, and M. Theron and the French consul at Richmond were both politely requested to leave the Confederate States.
Napoleon persisted in his intrigues for the purpose of getting a foothold in this country, in spite of the rebuff which his officious consuls had received from the Confederacy. He expressed himself desirous of interesting some of the rest of the European powers in the cause of the South, and again entered into confidence with Slidell on the possibility of joint mediation on the part of England, France and Russia. “My own preference,” said the Emperor, “is for a proposition for an armistice for six months, with the Southern ports open to the commerce of the world. This would put a stop to the effusion of blood” (How tender-hearted he was!) “and hostilities would probably never be resumed. We can urge it,” he added, “on the high grounds of humanity, and the interests of the whole civilized world. If it be refused by the North, it will afford good reason for recognition, and perhaps for more active intervention.”
Mr. Slidell then suggested that if the Emperor would give some kind of assurance that the police would not interfere, ships and munitions of war might be sent from France to the Confederacy.
“Why could you not have the ships built as if for the Italian Government?” suggested the Emperor. “I do not think it would be difficult, but I will consult my ministers about it.”
Napoleon then suggested the joint appeal for the six months’ armistice to England and Russia, which was declined by both. He then made a direct offer of mediation to the United States Government, in the most friendly terms, and on the “high grounds of humanity.”
The United States Government did not see it in this light, and rejected Napoleon’s humane offer.
The Confederate agents then obtained power to build ships of war in French ports, and to arm and equip them, and proceed to sea without molestation from the French authorities, the Treaty of Paris forbidding such a hostile act against a friendly power like the North to the contrary notwithstanding. The despot of France imagined himself above all treaties at that time.
The English Alabama was then cruising in a most successful manner. The Emperor had a conference with Mr. Arman, a large shipbuilder, and assured him that there would be no difficulty about building the ships for the Confederates under the disguise of their Italian destination. Accordingly, a contract was made for building five ships of war at Bordeaux and Nantes, and afterwards another contract for three iron-clad rams.
In 1863 the Emperor had a great deal of business on hand, but was still convinced, amid all his diplomatic duties that the South should be recognized by the European powers. He was afraid, however, of putting his Mexican expedition in jeopardy by risking a rupture with the North. Finally, he said: “I will make a direct proposition to England for joint recognition. This will effectually prevent Lord Palmerston from misrepresenting my position and wishes on the American question.” Accordingly, he had an interview with those two worthy members of Parliament, Messrs. Roebuck and Lindsay, at Fontainebleau, which was said to be highly satisfactory. He authorized them to state in the House of Commons that he was both willing and anxious to recognize the Confederate States, with the co-operation of England.