[1303] ‘He did assure all the old Christian laity, that whenever the king should give the word, they might, without any scruple of conscience, cut the throats of all the Moriscoes, and not spare any of them upon their professing themselves Christians; but to follow the holy and laudable example of the Croisado that was raised against the Albigenses, who, upon their having made themselves masters of the city of Bezeir; wherein were two hundred thousand Catholics and hereticks, did ask Father Arnold, a Cistercian monk, who was their chief preacher, “Whether they should put any to the sword that pretended to be Catholics;” and were answered by the holy Abbot, “That they should kill all without distinction, and leave it to God, who knew his own, to reward them for being true Catholics in the next world;” which was accordingly executed.’ Geddes, vol. i. p. 84.
[1304] ‘“Grande resolucion!” contestó el débil monarca al ministro favorito: “hacedlo vos, duque.”’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. xv. p. 375. But this reply, so far from being a mark of weakness on the part of Philip, was a strictly logical application of the principles which he entertained, and which, indeed, were almost universal in Spain. We know from his contemporary biographer, that ‘Determinó el Rey en los principios de su Reynado, como Rey tan poderoso y Catolico, de consagrar y dedicar à Dios la potencia de sus Consejos y Armas para extinguir y acabar los enemigos de la Iglesia Santa.’ Davila, Historia de la Vida de Felipe Tercero, lib. i. p. 44.
[1305] This is the average estimate. Some authors make it less, and some more; while one writer says, ‘The numbers expelled have been estimated at four hundred thousand families, or two millions of souls.’ Clarke's Internal State of Spain, London, 1818, p. 33. But this is incredible. M. Castro (Decadencia de España, Cadiz, 1852, p. 105) says, ‘España perdió en los moriscos un millon de habitantes;’ and M. Janer (Condicion de los Moriscos, Madrid, 1857, p. 93), ‘Sin entrar en cálculos sobre los que habia cuando se expidio el edicto de Valencia en 1609, ni sobre los que fenecieron en las rebeliones, de mano armada, de sed, de hambre ó ahogados, creemos poder fijar, aproximadamente, en novecientos mil los que llegaron á poner el pie fuera de la península, despidiéndose para siempre de las costas y fronteras de España, cuya cifra deducimos del exámen y contexto de unos y otros escritores, de las listas que nos han quedado de los expulsos, de los datos de diversas relaciones, estados y documentos examinados con este solo intento;’ and further on, p. 105, ‘la expulsion de un millon, ó novecientos mil de sus habitantes.’ Llorente (Histoire de l'Inquisition, vol. iii. p. 430, Paris, 1818) says, ‘un million d'habitans utiles et laborieux;’ Ximenez (Vida de Ribera, Roma, 1734, 4to. p. 70), ‘novecientos mil;’ and Boisel, who was in Spain, fifty years after the expulsion, and collected the traditionary evidence, says, ‘Il sortit neuf cens tant de mille hommes de compte fait, de Valence, d'Andalousie, et de Castille.’ Boisel, Journal du Voyage d'Espagne, Paris, 1669, 4to. p. 275.
[1306] Watson's Philip III., pp. 234–235. Davila, Vida de Felipe III., p. 146. Yañez, Memorias para la Historia de Felipe III., pp. 281, 290. Janer, Condicion de los Moriscos, pp. 83, 84, 90. Some particulars respecting their expulsion may also be seen in Cottington's Letters from Madrid, which were written in 1609, but are of very little value. Winwood's Memorials of Affairs of State, vol. iii. pp. 73, 91, 103, 118, London, folio, 1725.
[1307] In a contemporary sermon in commemoration of their expulsion, the preacher joyfully exclaims, ‘Pues, que mayor honra podemos tener en este Reyno, que ser todos los que vivimos en el, fieles á Dios, y al Rey, sin compañia de estos Hereges y traydores?’ Ximenez, Vida de Ribera, p. 423. Another clergyman cries out, ‘Al fin salieron estos, y quedó la tierra libre de la infamia de este gente.’ Davila, Vida de Felipe Tercero, p. 149. See also p. 151. ‘Y es digno de poner en consideracion el zelo que los Reyes de España tuvieron en todo tiempo de sustentar la Fé Catolica; pues en diferentes expulsiones que han hecho, han sacado de sus Reynos tres millones de Moros, y dos millones de Judios, enemigos de nuestra Iglesia.’
[1308] See the sermon by the Archbishop of Valencia, printed at length in the Appendix to Ximenez, Vida de Ribera, pp. 411–428. I would fain quote it all, but the reader must be content with part of the peroration, pp. 426, 427. ‘Entre las felizidades, que cuenta el Espiritu Santo que tuvieron los hijos de Israel en el govierno del Rey Salomon, es una; que vivian los hombres seguros, durmiendo á la sombra de su parra, y de su higuera, sin tener de quien temer. Assi estaremos en este Reyno de aqui adelante, por la misericordia de nuestro Señor, y paternal providencia de Su Magestad, todo nos sobrará, y la misma tierra se fertilizará y dará fruto de bendicion. Brocardico es, de que todos usabades, diziendo que despues, que estos se bautizaron, no se avia visto un año fertil; aora todos lo seran, porque las heregias y blasfemias de estos tenian esterilizada, abrasada, y inficionada la tierra, como dixo el Real Propheta David, con tantos pecados y abominaciones.’ … ‘Y edificarán en las tierras, que antes eran desiertas, plantando viñas, y bebiendo el vino de ellas, y sembrarán huertas, y comeran del fruto de los arboles, que han plantado, y nunca seran hechados de sus casas, dize Dios. Todo esto promete nuestro Señor por dos Prophetas suyos. Todo (digo otra vez) nos sobrará.’ All this was to happen to the people; while, as to the king, he, in the same sermon, p. 416, is likened to David; and it was declared by another high authority, that his expulsion of the Moriscoes was so great an exploit (‘hazaña’), that ‘durára su memoria por los venideros siglos.’ Porreño, in Yañez, Memorias para Felipe III., p. 281.
[1309] ‘Amidst the devout exultation of the whole kingdom,—Cervantes, Lope de Vega, and others of the principal men of genius then alive, joining in the general jubilee.’ Ticknor's History of Spanish Literature, vol. i. pp. 428, 429. Compare Dunlop's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 16. Porreño says that it may be placed among the seven wonders of the world; ‘la podemos poner entre las siete maravillas del mundo.’ Yañez, Memorias, p. 297: and Davila (Vida de Felipe Tercero, lib. ii. cap. 41, p. 139) pronounces it to be the most glorious achievement which had been seen since the days of Pelayo. All this is natural enough; but what is really curious is, to trace the modern remains of this feeling. Campomanes (Apendice á la Educacion Popular, vol. iv. p. 130, Madrid, 1777), a very able man, and far more liberal than most of his countrymen, is not ashamed to speak of ‘la justa expulsion de los moriscos desde 1610 á 1613.’ Ortiz, in 1801, expresses himself with more hesitation, but is evidently in favour of a measure which liberated Spain from ‘la perniciosa semilla de Mahoma que restaba en ella.’ Compendio de la Historia de España, vol. vi. pp. 304, 305. Nay, even in 1856, the great modern historian of Spain, while admitting the serious material injury which this horrible crime inflicted on the country, assures us that it had the ‘immense advantage’ of producing religious unity; unable to perceive that the very unity of which he boasts, generates an acquiescence and stagnation of mind fatal to all real improvement, because it prevents that play and collision of opinions by which the wits of men are sharpened and made ready for use, ‘Con la expulsion se completó el principio de la unidad religiosa en España, que fué un bien inmenso, pero se consumó la ruina de la agricultura, que fué un inmenso mal.’ Lafuente, Historia de España, vol. xvii. p. 340, Madrid, 1856. And, the year after this sagacious sentiment had been given to the world, another eminent Spaniard, in a work crowned by the Royal Academy of History, went still further, and declared, that not only did the expulsion of the Moriscoes cause great benefit by securing unity of creed, but that such unity was ‘necessary on the Spanish soil.’ ‘Y si bajo el aspecto económico reprobamos semejante medida por la influencia perniciosa que tuvo desde el momento de dictarse, la imparcialidad de historiadores nos obliga á respetarla por los inmensos bienes que produjo en el órden religioso y en el órden político.’ … ‘La unidad religiosa era necesaria en el suelo español.’ Janer, Condicion Social de los Moriscos de España, Madrid, 1857, pp. 110, 114. What are we to think of a country in which these opinions are expressed, not by some obscure fanatic, from the platform or the pulpit, but by able and learned men, who promulgate them with all the authority of their position, being themselves deemed, if anything, rather too bold and too liberal for the people to whom they address their works?
[1310] ‘Los moros eran muy diestros en todo lo que mira á obras de agua.’ Campomanes, Apendice á la Educacion Popular, vol. iii. p. cvii. ‘The Moors were the most intelligent agriculturists Spain ever had.’ Laborde's Spain, vol. ii. p. 216. Even Jovellanos admits that ‘except in the parts occupied by the Moors, the Spaniards were almost totally unacquainted with the art of irrigation.’ Clarke's Internal State of Spain, p. 116. See also Circourt, Arabes d'Espagne, vol. i. p. 255, vol. ii. p. 12, vol. iii. pp. 162, 222; Bourgoing, Tableau de l'Espagne, vol. ii. pp. 170, 171; and Townsend's Spain, vol. iii. p. 74. Remains of their splendid aqueducts still exist. Hoskins' Spain, vol. i. pp. 120, 125, 291, 292. Compare Spain by an American, vol. ii. p. 112 with L'Estat de l'Espagne, Genève, 1681, p. 399.
[1311] Compare Janer, Condicion de los Moriscos, pp. 47, 48, with Campomanes, Apendice á la Educacion Popular, vol. iii. p. xxii., and Dunlop's Memoirs, vol. i. p. 13.
[1312] The more sensible among the Spaniards notice, with regret, this national contempt for every form of useful industry. See Campomanes, Educacion Popular, p. 128, and Sempere, Monarchie Espagnole, vol. ii. pp. 277, 278. A traveller in Spain in 1669, says of the people, ‘ils méprisent tellement le travail, que la plûpart des artisans sont étrangers.’ Voyages faits en divers Temps par M. M****, Amsterdam, 1700, p. 80. Another traveller, between 1693 and 1695, says, they ‘think it below the dignity of a Spaniard to labour and provide for the future.’ Travels by a Gentleman (by Bromley?), London, 1702, p. 35. A third observer, in 1679, assures us that ‘ils souffrent plus aisément la faim et les autres nécessitez de la vie, que de travailler, disent-ils, comme des mercenaires, ce qui n'appartient qu'à des esclaves.’ D'Aulnoy, Relation du Voyage d'Espagne, Lyon, 1693, vol. ii. pp. 369, 370. For further illustrations of this, see Labat, Voyages en Espagne, Paris, 1730, vol. i. pp. 285, 286. Capmany, Qüestiones Criticas, pp. 43, 49, 50. Laborde's Spain, vol. i. p. i. Ranke's Spanish Empire, p. 103. Townsend's Journey through Spain, vol. ii. pp. 240, 241.