[1452] Rio, ibid. vol. iv. pp. 164–166, and Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. pp. 96, 97.
[1453] ‘La providencia mas acertada para el fomento de nuestra agricultura fué sin duda la real pragmática de 11 de julio de 1765, por la cual se abolió la tasa de los granos, y se permitió el libre comercio de ellos.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 105. See also Dillon's Spain, p. 69, and Townsend's Spain, vol. ii. p. 230. The first step towards this great reform was taken in 1752. See the edict issued in that year, ‘Libertase de Derechos el trigo, cebada, centeno y maiz que por mar se transportáre de unas provincias á otras de estos dominios.’ This document, which is important for the history of political economy, is printed in the Appendix to Campomanes, Educacion Popular, vol. ii. pp. 16, 17, Madrid, 1775.
[1454] ‘Pronto se establecieron los correos marítimos y se comunicaron con regularidad y frecuencia no vistas hasta entónces la metrópoli y las colonias. Por efecto del importante decreto de 24 de agosto de 1764, salía el primero de cada mes un paquebot de la Coruña con toda la correspondencia de las Indias; desembarcábala en la Habana, y desde allí se distribuia en balandras y otros bajeles á propósito para puntear los vientos escasos, á Veracruz, Portobelo, Cartagena, islas de Barlovento y provincias de la Plata; y aquellos ligeros buques volvian á la Habana, de donde zarpaba mensualmente y en dia fijo otro paquebot para la Coruña.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. i. p. 452. That part of the plan, however, which aimed at making Coruña a rival of Cadiz, appears to have been unsuccessful. See a letter from Coruña, written in 1774, in Dalrymple's Travels through Spain, London, 1777, 4to. p. 99.
[1455] See the edicts in Campomanes, Apendice, vol. ii. pp. 37–47, Madrid, 1775. They are both dated October 16th, 1765.
[1456] It was said, with reason, by Alaman, ‘que el gobierno de América llego al colmo de su perfeccion en tiempo de Carlos III.’ Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. p. 151. And Humboldt observes (Essai Politique sur le Royaume de la Nouvelle-Espagne, Paris, 1811, 4to. vol. i. p. 102), ‘C'est le roi Charles III surtout qui, par des mesures aussi sages qu'énergiques, est devenu le bienfaiteur des indigènes; il a annulé les Encomiendas; il a défendu les Repartimientos, par lesquels les corregidors se constituoient arbitrairement les créanciers, et par conséquent les maîtres du travail des natifs, en les pourvoyant, à des prix exagérés, de chevaux, de mulets et de vêtemens (ropa).’
[1457] Cabarrus, Elogio de Carlos III., Madrid, 1789, p. xlii., and Canga's note in Martinez de la Mata, Dos Discursos, Madrid, 1794, p. 31. But these writers were not sufficiently familiar with political economy, really to appreciate this measure.
[1458] ‘Early in the reign of Charles, steps had been taken towards the adoption of more liberal principles in the commerce with America; but, in the year 1778, a complete and radical change was introduced. The establishment of a free trade rapidly produced the most beneficial consequences. The export of foreign goods was tripled, of home-produce quintupled; and the returns from America augmented in the astonishing proportion of nine to one. The produce of the customs increased with equal rapidity.’ Clarke's Examination of the Internal State of Spain, London, 1818, p. 72.
[1459] Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. pp. 197, 317, 318.
[1460] See Florida Blanca's statement in Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 331; ‘to facilitate to artisans and journeymen the scanty payment of their labours, in spite of the privileges and interest of the powerful.’
[1461] Rio, Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., vol. iv. pp. 317, 318, and elsewhere.