[1502] ‘Telle est la coûtume du Païs, on s'exposeroit à laisser douter de sa foi, et passer au moins pour Maran, ou Chrétien nouveau, si on ne laissoit pas le tiers de ses biens mobiliers à l'Eglise.’ Labat, Voyages en Espagne, vol. i. p. 268.
[1503] It was the opinion of the Pope, that Charles, by this act, had endangered his own soul. ‘Dans un bref adressé à Charles III; il déclara: “Que les actes du Roi contre les Jésuites mettaient évidemment son salut en danger.”’ Crétineau-Joly, Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, Paris, 1845, vol. v. p. 302.
[1504] As this circumstance, which is noticed by Crétineau-Joly (Histoire de la Compagnie de Jésus, vol. v. p. 311) and other writers (Dunham's History of Spain, vol. v. p. 180), has been much misrepresented, and has even been doubted by one author, I will transcribe the statement of Coxe, whose information respecting the reign of Charles III. was derived from eye-witnesses. ‘A remarkable and alarming proof of their influence was given at Madrid, the year after their expulsion. At the festival of St. Charles, when the monarch showed himself to the people from the balcony of the palace, and was accustomed to grant their general request; to the surprise and confusion of the whole court, the voice of the immense multitude, with one accord, demanded the return of the Jesuits, and the permission for them to wear the habit of the secular clergy. This unexpected incident alarmed and mortified the King; and, after a vigilant inquiry, he thought proper to banish the Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo, and his Grand Vicar, as the secret instigators of this tumultuary petition.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, 2nd edit., London, 1815, vol. iv. pp. 368, 369. The remarks made on this event by M. Rio (Historia del Reinado de Carlos III., Madrid, 1856, vol. ii. pp. 197–199) are not very creditable, either to his criticism or to his candour. It is uncritical to doubt the statement of a contemporary, when that statement relates what is probable in itself, and what those who lived nearest to the period never denied. Indeed, so far from denying it, M. Muriel, the learned translator of Coxe's work into Spanish, gave it the sanction of his name. And, it is surely, to say the least, very uncandid on the part of M. Rio to impute to Coxe the error of placing this occurrence in 1767, and then proving that, owing to circumstances connected with the Archbishop of Toledo, it could not have happened in that year. For, Coxe distinctly asserts, that it was in 1768; ‘the year after their expulsion.’
[1505] See the statement of Florida Blanca, in Appendix I. to Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. v. p. 282. Another Spaniard, the Prince of the Peace, says, that at the accession of Charles IV., in 1788, ‘the cloisters were encumbered with an ever-increasing number of monks of all orders and of all ages.’ Godoy's Memoirs, edit. London, 1836, vol. i. p. 126. See also, on the state of ecclesiastical establishments in the same year, some interesting remarks in the Letters of Cabarrus; ‘con qué horrible desproporcion superabundan los individuos estériles á los operarios útiles y preciosos.’ Cartas escritas por el Conde de Cabarrus, Madrid, 1813, p. 133.
[1506] Of it, a celebrated writer in the reign of Philip V. boastfully says, ‘Su exacta vigilancia comprehende igualmente á Naturales y Estrangeros.’ Uztariz, Theorica y Practica de Comercio, tercera impression, Madrid, 1757, folio, p. 27. When such a man as Uztariz could pen a sentence like this, we may imagine what was felt by the people, who were far more ignorant than he, and far more orthodox. M. Tapia, in a remarkable and unusually bold passage, frankly admits that it was the pressure of public opinion which prevented Charles III. from abolishing the Inquisition. ‘Estraño pareceria que habiéndose hecho tanto en aquel reinado para limitar el poder escesivo del clero, y acabar con absurdas preocupaciones, no se suprimiese el monstruoso tribunal de la inquisicion; pero es necesario tener presente que el rey despues del motin de Madrid procedia con timidez en toda providencia que pudiese contrariar la opinion pública; y él creia que los españoles querian la inquisicion, como se lo manifestó al ministro Roda y al conde de Aranda, añadiendo que en nada coartaba su autoridad.’ Tapia, Civilizacion Española, vol. iv. p. 98, Madrid, 1840. To us, the Inquisition seems rather a singular object for men to set their affections on; but of the existence of the passion there can be no doubt. ‘L'Inquisition si révérée en Espagne.’ Mémoires de Louville, vol. i. p. 36. And Geddes (Tracts, London, 1730, vol. i. p. 400) tells us that ‘the Inquisition is not only established by law, but by a wonderful fascination is so fixed in the hearts and affections of the people, that one that should offer the least affront to another, for having been an informer or witness in the Inquisition, would be torn in a thousand pieces.’
[1507] ‘The familiars of the Inquisition, Abrantes, Mora, and others, grandees of Spain, attended as servants, without hats or swords.’ Coxe's Bourbon Kings of Spain, vol. iv. pp. 418, 419. This was in the great case of Olavide.
[1508] An accomplished modern geographer says: ‘From the extent of its coast-line, its numerous ports, its geographical position, and natural products, Spain possesses greater commercial advantages than any other country of Europe.’ Johnston's Dictionary of Physical, Statistical, and Historical Geography, London, 1850, p. 1213.
[1509] ‘No quiero hablar de los frutos de España, no obstante que los produzca tan exquisitos de todas especies. Solo diré que sus naranjas dulces las traxeron de la China los Portugueses, y que de Portugal se ha difundido su planta por lo restante de Europa. En fin, España es celebrada entre otras cosas por sus limones, por la fragrancia de sus cidras, por sus limas dulces, por sus granadas, por sus azeytunas, que merecieron ser alabadas hasta del gran Ciceron, y sus almendras, sus higos, sus uvas, etc.’ Bowles, Historia Natural de España, Madrid, 1789, 4to. p. 236.
[1510] ‘The marbles of Spain are in greater variety and beauty than those of any country in Europe, and most valuable kinds of them are in situations of easy access and communication with the sea; but they have long been entirely neglected, the greater part being unknown, even to the more intelligent of the natives.’ Cook's Spain, London, 1834, vol. ii. p. 51. In the Cabinet of Natural History at Madrid, ‘the specimens of marbles are splendid, and show what treasures yet remain buried in the Peninsula.’ Ford's Spain, London, 1847, p. 413.
[1511] ‘Hay infinitas minas de cobre en España las quales nunca se han tocado.’ Bowles, Historia Natural de España, Discurso Preliminar, p. 34.