The immediate weakness of our position was due to the enemy’s continued occupation of the heights in the range of varied mountain and plateau from Ejelmer Bay to W Hill; for guns on those heights commanded the greater part of the Salt Lake plain and the positions round the bay, especially on the north side, where our main landing-places and headquarters were situated. Another weakness was the enemy’s occupation of Hill 60 (Kaiajik Aghala), which faces W Hill across the Biyuk Anafarta valley and commanded the approach to the upper reaches, as well as threatening the communication between Anzac and Suvla. Reckoning up the advantages gained, and refusing to be discouraged by the ill-success of his main design, Sir Ian resolved at once to remove these causes of weakness by a renewal of the combined attack. It was probable also that, if the reinforced Turkish Army were allowed to remain undisturbed, it would assume a violent offensive, especially directed against Suvla.
ADEQUATE REINFORCEMENTS REFUSED
The losses during the second week in August had been serious—not less than 30,000 on all three fronts together. Sir Ian estimated his total force at 95,000 in the middle of August (40,000, including 17,000 French troops, at Helles; 25,000 at Anzac; under 30,000 at Suvla).[198] But this was a sanguine estimate. The real fighting strength of the British and Anzac troops was probably not over 60,000, and of the French about 15,000. The British Divisions alone were short by nearly 1500 officers. On August 16 he telegraphed to Lord Kitchener stating that 45,000 rifles to fill up gaps in the British Divisions, and 50,000 rifles as fresh reinforcements, were essential for a quick and victorious decision.[199] Unfortunately, as it now appears, the great strategic and political conception of the Dardanelles had now less support than ever in the Cabinet. The fall of Warsaw (August 4) had destroyed the last hope of Russian co-operation. The influence of the “Westerners” was supreme. The attempt to break through the German line at Loos in September was already in preparation, and all available forces were concentrated upon that. By various means, an increasingly despondent or hostile criticism of the Gallipoli campaign was insinuated throughout the country, and Sir Ian’s request for further assistance was refused. The hesitating Cabinet may have hoped that, if the Western offensive succeeded, the Dardanelles campaign, after remaining suspended for two or three months, might then be pushed forward again without loss of opportunity. If that was their expectation, they had forgotten Napoleon’s maxim, that war is like a woman in that, if once you miss your opportunity, you need never expect to find either war or woman the same again.
All the reinforcement allowed for the moment was the 2nd Mounted Division from Egypt, where it had been in training since April. This Division of four brigades, numbering just under 5000 men, was composed of Yeomanry regiments from the Midland and Southern counties. The men were of singularly fine physique, accustomed to hunting, and well trained in cavalry manœuvres. But, like all “mounted” forces on the Peninsula, they left their horses in Egypt and fought on foot. They were under the command of Major-General William Peyton, a cavalry officer, who had served with distinction in Egypt and South Africa, and was now about fifty.[200] His Brigadiers and regimental officers were also cavalrymen of distinction, and, so far as its numbers allowed, the Division could be counted upon to strengthen any attack.[201]
THE ASSAULT OF AUGUST 21
But, however excellent in itself, the Mounted Division was not numerous enough to give stability to the Suvla Divisions, most of which were still fatigued and disheartened by the ill success of their first attempts at warfare.[202] In the hope of affording the much-needed stiffening to the IXth Corps, Major-General De Lisle, accordingly, was instructed to bring the three brigades of his own 29th Division round from Helles by night, and land them at Suvla for the attack. They were under the command of their next senior officer, Major-General W. R. Marshall of the 87th Brigade. De Lisle himself, being in temporary command of the IXth Corps, directed the whole action. His scheme was very simple. On his right, the 11th Division was to assault the trenches which the Turks had now dug across the Biyuk Anafarta valley or plain, south and a little east of Chocolate and Green Hills, and so to protect the right flank until the moment came for a general attack upon W Hill, the ultimate objective of the whole movement. On his centre, the 29th Division was to storm Scimitar Hill, the possession of which, as before explained, was essential to any advance against W Hill itself. To his left, the long line from Sulajik Farm across the wooded plain up to the summit of Kiretch Tepe was held by the two Territorial Divisions, the 53rd and 54th, so as to check any attempt to turn the flank on that side by getting behind our attacking force. Chocolate Hill, 1000 yards from the summit of Scimitar Hill, was the centre of our advance, and on the night of August 20–21 the 29th Division entered the trenches close to the left of that hill, the 11th Division stretching down the slope and into the plain on the right.
The action was to open with the customary bombardment, intended to shatter the enemy’s trenches. For this purpose, two battleships and two cruisers were available, and on land the IXth Corps’ artillery now counted two R.F.A. Brigades (short of horses), two heavy batteries, two mountain batteries, and two batteries of 5-inch howitzers.[203] For an Army Corps of nominally six Divisions the number of guns was absurdly small. But as the front to be attacked measured only a mile, it was hoped the bombardment would be effective. Unfortunately, even this hope was frustrated by a condition which could not be foreseen. Usually, in the afternoon, the prospect from Suvla towards the hills is brilliantly clear. The whole range stands visible in every detail. The westering sun appears to reveal every kink and cranny, every tree and mass of bush. Even as far away as Sari Bair, the rocks of Koja Chemen ravine, the “chimney” down the face of Chunuk Bair, and the yellow patch of the Farm are distinct in the clear air and sunlight. For this reason the afternoon had been chosen for attack, the sun being then behind us, but glaring, as might be hoped, in the enemy’s eyes. But that day it so happened that the whole country was covered with a thin grey mist, as on an October morning in England. From the sea, the hills were dim. From the front, all details were obscured. Sir Ian, who had come over from Imbros, wished to postpone the attack, and prudence might have been wise for once. But he tells us that “various reasons” which remain unknown, but were perhaps concerned with the presence of the 29th Division in the Suvla sphere, made postponement impossible.
Accordingly, at 2.45 a violent bombardment began, directed upon Scimitar and W Hills. It was a terrific sight. Our large shells flung up great spouts and fountains of earth and stones, so that the summits smoked with repeated eruption. At the same time, the air was full of the white balls of bursting shrapnel. But the Turks could answer now. At first they directed their shrapnel and high explosives upon Chocolate Hill, where we had twenty-eight machine-guns in position. Besides the guns on W Hill, the Turks now had guns concealed somewhere on the Anafarta plateau or on the foothills of Tekke Tepe, whence they could bring a converging fire to bear. Their bombardment of our position was very heavy. The shells tore at our parapets. The air above our trenches hissed with bullets and fragments. Many of us were struck. But at 3.15 our infantry began to advance.[204]
Contour in Metres.
(1m. = 39.87 in.)