“It is little more than three months ago that, by command of His Excellency the Viceroy of India, I explained to you in Durbar the intentions of the British Government with regard to the future of Afghanistan. I then told you it was not intended to annex the country; but that the armies of Her Majesty the Queen-Empress would be withdrawn so soon as the prospect of a settled administration had been assured, and a chief acknowledged as Amir who should not only be animated by friendly sentiments towards the English Government, but have the cordial support of his own countrymen. Since that time General Sir Donald Stewart, General Sir Frederick Roberts, and myself, have endeavoured to carry into effect the wishes of the Government, and you are summoned here to-day to hear that our efforts have been successful. The course of events having placed Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan in a position which fulfils the wishes and expectations of the Government, the Viceroy of India and the Government of Her Most Gracious Majesty the Queen-Empress are pleased to announce that they publicly recognize Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan, grandson of the illustrious Amir Dost Mahomed Khan, as Amir of Cabul.
“It is to the Government a source of satisfaction that the tribes and chiefs have preferred a distinguished member of the Barakzai family, who is a renowned soldier, wise, and experienced. His sentiments towards the British Government are most friendly; and so long as his rule shows that he is animated by these sentiments, he cannot fail to receive the support of the British Government. He will best show his friendship for the Government by treating those of his subjects who have done us service as his friends.
“Chiefs and Gentlemen,—In accordance with assurances already conveyed to you, the armies of the Queen-Empress will shortly withdraw within those frontiers which were decided by treaty with the ex-Amir, Mahomed Yakub Khan. We trust and firmly believe that your remembrance of the English will not be unkindly. We have fought you in the field whenever you opposed us; but your religion has in no way been interfered with; the honour of your women has been respected, and every one has been secure in possession of his property. Whatever has been necessary for the support of the army has been liberally paid for. Since I came to Cabul, I have been in daily intercourse with you; but I have never heard an Afghan make a complaint of the conduct of any soldier, English or Native, belonging to Her Majesty’s army.
“The British Government has always been well-disposed towards Afghanistan. You all know how it supported and assisted the former rulers of the country. It has no other wish than your happiness and prosperity; and it is with this object alone that to-day it recognizes Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir of Cabul.”
Mr. Griffin then read the speech in English for the benefit of the officers of the garrison, and a Pushtu translation was read by Mr. Cunningham, Mr. Griffin’s Secretary. Not a sign of intelligence, nor an expression of approbation or dissent, was made in the assembly. From the Sikh and Ghoorka sentries standing in rear of the tent to the fringe of tatterdemalion retainers peering in over the sirdars’ heads, all were quiet as if cogitating upon the new policy enunciated. Our late envoys to the Sirdar, Afzul Khan and Ibrahim Khan, standing behind Sir Donald Stewart, stroked their beards silently and proudly; this was the outcome of their dangerous journey to Khanabad. Those of us who had marched with Sir Frederick Roberts over the Shutargardan, and borne the heat and burden of the day when the cry of “retribution” was raised after Cavagnari’s death, were delighted that our General’s name had been linked with those of Sir Donald Stewart and Mr. Griffin in regard to that work of settlement which the Government view with such satisfaction. There is a tendency to forget, in the present political turmoil, the work done last autumn—work for which no reward has been given; and this is more ungenerous in the case of a soldier, such as General Roberts proved himself, than it would be with a diplomat who can always look with confidence to future chances of distinction.
The Durbar was brought to an end by an earnest appeal on Sir Donald Stewart’s part to all the Sirdars and Chiefs, who were asked to sink their private quarrels and unite in supporting the new Amir. Major Euan Smith rendered this appeal in Persian so earnestly and with such emphasis that its effect was to stir a little ripple of animation in the dead sea of faces that had made no sign hitherto. Sirdar Yusuf Khan promised on his own part so to act for the good of his country; and with his spontaneous little outburst the Durbar closed. In a few minutes Generals and subalterns jostled each other, Sirdars and servants mingled in familiar[familiar] groups, the tents were clear, the guard marching off, and thus our acknowledgment of Sirdar Abdur Rahman Khan as Amir was publicly made. To-day is the 22nd of July; it was on the 24th of July last year that Cavagnari made his entry into Cabul under the auspices of Yakub Khan. Then all seemed plain-sailing; now the outlook is nearly as placid; but all who have soldiered over the Indus since November 1878 pray that the present “satisfactory settlement” may not prove as deceptive and rotten as that consummated at Gundamak.
The Sirdars present in Durbar were as follow:—
| Wali Mahomed Khan. | Mahomed Asaf Khan. |
| Yusuf Khan. | Gholam Khan. |
| Sher Mahomed Khan. | Mahomed Karim Khan. |
| Nur Mahomed Khan. | Shahd Mahomed Khan. |
| Mahomed Sarwar Khan, | Mahomed Ali Jan. |
| Shahbaz Khan. | Abdul Kaium Khan. |
| Amin-ud-dowla Khan. | Mahomed Samir Khan. |
27th July.
There has been a lull since the sudden outburst of political activity shown in the Durbar on the 22nd of July, but there is nothing to indicate that the wheels of the Indo-Afghan mill which is grinding out a new Government for Cabul are at all clogged. The new Amir has just left Charikar, but he has little if any armed gathering about him, and if he is to take over Sherpur and the Bala Hissar when we leave he ought to have at least 5,000 men at his back. Our acknowledgment of his claims has of course given him new prestige in the eyes of many of the chiefs; and as, at our advice, he is wisely adopting a conciliatory tone both towards the Cabul citizens and people hitherto devoted to Shere Ali’s family, there is great hope that his power will steadily expand. Being a man suspicious and reticent in the extreme, he does not take us much into his confidence; but his anxiety to have personal interviews with Sir Donald Stewart and Mr. Lepel Griffin is not all concealed. It is well known here that there are many points of detail to be discussed and settled before we leave, and such settlement can be far more easily brought about by personal interviews than by continuous letter-writing. Mr. Lepel Griffin is about to go out to General Gough’s camp at Kila Dushman,[[45]] and it is understood that the Amir will pitch his camp at Ak Serai, five or six miles further north on the Istalif Road. It would be unwise for our representative to go out before the Amir has actually left Charikar, as a loss of dignity would surely result from any appearance of “waiting upon His Majesty’s pleasure.” On Friday Mr. Griffin leaves for Kila Dushman, and upon his report Sir Donald Stewart will time his own visit to Koh-Daman. Then we shall be able, at last, to take an exact estimate of the new Amir’s strength, and form some judgment of his feelings towards the British Government. An exile for so many years from Afghanistan, he may push his inquisitiveness as to our intentions to an awkward extent. We are not prepared to promise too much either in the way of subsidy or moral support, and before any conditions are made we may have to probe his relations with his friends at Tashkend pretty deeply. The fate of Shere Ali should serve as a warning to Abdur Rahman; but prompted by Kaufmann and others, he may look upon England under a Liberal Government as a friend and ally of Russia. But, if I mistake not, he will be given clearly to understand that while the Courts of St. James’s and St. Petersburg may be on the best terms with each other, it is not part of the British policy at least that minor kingdoms such as Afghanistan should conduct their foreign relations independently. There are too many interests involved for us to tolerate intrigues by any foreign power in a country bordering on India; and if in our generosity we sink our claim to station an English officer at Cabul, we shall demand that no other European State shall be represented there. “Perish India!” is not yet the cry of the Radical party in England, and until that watchword has been accepted by the English people, our best efforts will be directed to warding off danger from our Indian possessions. In our late acknowledgment, while advising the Amir to remain friendly with us, we made no mention of the conditions under which that friendship could be best maintained. That task still remains. Whatever the Indian Government may have decided, there must be some line laid down to guide the Amir in his course of action when he has made his power supreme over all rivals. If he be left to his own devices he may invite all his friends from Russian Turkistan to visit him in the Bala Hissar, and India may again be startled by news of the honour done in Cabul to the representatives of the Czar. The stories told of two Russian agents being in the camp at Khanabad have never really been discredited, but it is unlikely the Amir will allow them publicly to accompany him when he leaves Ak Serai for Zimma on Saturday. The next few days will see the final details of the settlement of Cabul discussed and formulated, and when we turn our backs upon the city next month we shall be content in our knowledge that we have left the most powerful prince to succeed us, and that the difficulties he will have to face are sufficiently great to prevent him meddling with foreign politics for some time to come.