We have withdrawn our guard of sepoys from the Kotwali in the city, and Sirdar Wali Mahomed has so little confidence in any but British bayonets that he has promptly resigned his Governorship of Cabul. Sirdar Yusuf Khan, who has done much to aid us in re-establishing a settled Government, has been made Governor, and holds the city now as the representative of the Amir. As a consequence of this, the citizens have begun to swagger again in all their turbulent boastfulness, and our soldiers are warned against entering the bazaars. Armed men are now constantly seen, and many of us think it is perhaps a little premature to repeal the law forbidding the carrying of arms. It is not an uncommon sight now, even in Sherpur, to meet men on horseback or on foot with Enfield rifles at their backs, and knives in their girdles. To-day I saw one of the military police “showing the door” to three Afghan sepoys. These men had cross-belts, pouches, and bayonets, but carried their rifles slung over their shoulders in a very unsoldier-like way. How they had crept into cantonments no one could find out, but they were quite self-possessed, and were very observant of all that was going on. They are probably sepoys, who being sent from Charikar to recruit men for the Amir’s army, had taken advantage of some Pathan being on sentry at one of the gates to walk into Sherpur and criticize our arrangements.
2nd August.
Interest has been divided, during the past week, between the startling news from Candahar[[46]] and the near approach of the new Amir to Cabul. The Candahar news is serious enough, but we are still in the dark as to the exact extent of our defeat on the Girishk Road, and consequently can only speculate vaguely upon the results of the action. Already a strong division has been told off to march southwards, if the Government of India should consider the necessity sufficiently urgent. Sir Frederick Roberts will have command, and his old troops will be quite equal to dealing with Ayub Khan, if the latter tries to follow up his first success. It may be disappointing to regiments just on the eve of returning to the civilization of the plains to find themselves marching away to Candahar; but the work has to be done, and our soldiers sink their feelings, or calculate that “after all it is only reaching the railway at Sibi instead of Rawal Pindi.” The plan is to take a division made up of British, Ghoorka, and Sikh infantry, with a fair allowance of cavalry and two or three mountain batteries (including the screw-guns), and march steadily upon Candahar, doing our fighting on the way, but never halting or going off the route to meet the enemy. Of course the flower of the force about Cabul having been taken away (say 10,000 men), it would be imperative that the army left in Sherpur should retire upon the Khyber line, letting in the new Amir to assume power in Cabul without further delay. To remain in occupation of Cabul would be false policy, as not only would the people be irritated at our presence and tempted to harass our weakened force, but the Amir would grow unpopular, as he would seem to be allying himself too intimately with the Kafir intruders. The diversion of troops to Candahar must not be looked upon as settled, for there are many considerations yet to be thought of before such a step could be taken. The defeat of the brigade at Khusk-i-Nakhud may have been exaggerated, or Ayub’s success not pushed to its full extent, in which case the force under General Phayre at Peshin might suffice to re-establish our power in Southern Afghanistan. Again, Ayub may not choose to waste his strength against Candahar itself, but may turn northwards and march leisurely to Ghazni, gathering strength day by day. In this case, we certainly should not send a force from Candahar to follow him, and if we did not occupy Ghazni in strength, the tenure of Abdur Rahman’s power in Cabul would be very short indeed. All the Jacobin faction would be united at Ghazni, and the prestige attaching to Ayub Khan would make him a leader whom the new Amir might well dread.
But, as in a few days our course of action will probably be made clear, the Candahar matter can be left where it stands, while local politics are dealt with. Our representatives have at last met Abdur Rahman Khan face to face, and although part of their programme—a public Durbar—has not been carried out, still it is believed such satisfactory arrangements have been made that Cabul can be evacuated during the current month. On Friday, Mr. Lepel Griffin, Chief Political Officer, and his Staff went out to Brigadier-General Charles Gough’s Camp at Kila Hajee, about nine miles due north of Sherpur, on the Charikar Road. Mr. Griffin was to meet the Amir, who had come down from Charikar to Ak-Serai, and was to smooth away such difficulties as might crop up prior to the holding of the Durbar on Monday. Sirdar Yusuf Khan, Governor of Cabul, and Captain Ridgeway, Assistant Political Officer, made arrangements for the interview, which was supposed to take place about midway between Kila Hajee and Ak-Serai. A vineyard near Zimma was first proposed by Yusuf Khan, but this was objected to, possibly because the temper of the Amir’s followers was known to be very uncertain, and it is always well to be on guard against Afghan fanaticism. Finally, a hill was chosen a little off the road, and on this a large tent, sent out from Sherpur, was pitched. The hill was five miles from Kila Hajee, and only two from the Amir’s camp at Ak-Serai, but of this little account was made. At half-past seven, on Saturday morning, a squadron of the 9th Lancers, the 3rd Bengal Cavalry, and the 3rd Punjab Cavalry,—the whole under the command of Colonel Mackenzie, of the 3rd Bengal Cavalry,—formed up at Kila Hajee as escort to Mr. Griffin, who was accompanied by Major Hastings and his political staff, and a few officers whom curiosity prompted to turn out. A few Ghoorkas held the Kotal a mile from camp, but beyond this no display of infantry was made. The Lancers and the 3rd Bengal Cavalry trotted on ahead, and the road to Zimma was followed, up hill and down ravine, until the Durbar tent was sighted on the crest. The country about was very fertile, vineyards and orchards abounding, while northwards towards Istalif a mass of vegetation was seen. On arrival at the Durbar tent a halt was called, the 9th Lancers forming up near the entrance, while the native cavalry drew off to some distance below. About 200 yards to the north the Amir’s private tent had been pitched, and about this some 100 of his retainers were seen to be gathered. Mr. Griffin sent Captain Ridgeway, Mr. Cunningham, Rajah Jehandad Khan, and Afzul Khan to escort the Amir up the hill, and with the remainder of the British officers, about twenty in number, waited near the Durbar tent. The Amir met the party of four, as it appeared, at the entrance of his tent, and after the usual formal salutation, a move was made up the slope. One of the Amir’s attendants unfurled a large red umbrella, his white charger with gorgeous trappings was led in rear; and with a small mob of armed retainers following, his Highness walked slowly along. Mr. Griffin, as in courtesy bound, met him halfway, hands were cordially shaken, and then everyone made for the large square tent which offered grateful shelter from the sun.
The troopers of the 9th Lancers formed a striking contrast to the 100 men of the Amir’s body-guard, none of whom were clad alike, and whose “uniform” deserved its name on one ground—it was of uniform irregularity. The arms of these men of motley were equally curious: Martinis, Sniders, Chassepots, Miniés, such were some of the rifles; while double-barrelled shot-guns, match-locks, and jhezails were also conspicuous. The guard had been chosen probably from among men whom the Amir could thoroughly trust, as he could from his Turkistan regiments easily have taken two companies armed with rifles of the same pattern. Within the tent a semicircle of chairs had been placed at the head of three long narrow tables, on which were some English sweetmeats and Cabuli confectionery. The Amir, with whom was Sirdar Afzul Khan, the Khan of Kulab, and half a dozen personal attendants, including a favourite slave-boy, went through the ordeal of receiving all the officers introduced to him with quiet self-possession and good-humour. Behind him, in the verandah of the tent, were clustered his wild-looking body-guard, with their weapons carried in every picturesque style of carelessness; each man looking upon the ceremonious introductions with more of contempt than curiosity. The Amir’s demeanour was a surprise to every one, from Mr. Griffin downwards. From the photograph brought by Afzul Khan from Khanabad, one was led to expect a gross, sensual-looking man on the usual stereotyped pattern of Barakzai Sirdars. The reality was quite different: a man of middle-age, broadly-built but not obese, with features marked and worn by care and anxiety, but lighted up by a smile which gave character and pleasantness to the whole face. His dress was quiet and unostentatious; a blue coat, half uniform, with gold epaulettes; a pair of cloth breeches, short riding boots, a handsome sword and belt, and a cap of Astrakan fur, with the ribbon of an order (perhaps Turkish) let in deeply in front. So winning a manner had the Amir that men who came quite prepared to revile him, went away most favourably impressed. He is not the “brute” an Afghan Sirdar usually is, and his after-conversation with our political officers showed him to be familiar with Western ideas, and to have made good use of the time he has spent in Tashkend.
After the introductions had been got through, the tent was cleared of all but those who were to take part in the “discussion.” I am not sure if the word should be used; but as there is a great objection to the use of the term “negotiations,” I will let it stand. With Mr. Griffin remained Major Hastings, Mr. Cunningham, C.S. (Secretary), and Mr. Christie (the officer in charge of the Political Intelligence Department); with the Amir, Yusuf Khan, and a Moonshee, who took notes of what was said. Out of ear-shot in the tent sat, also, the Khan of Kulab, who dozed during the interview in happy unconsciousness of what was going on. Outside, in the verandahs, the sweetmeats were served round to all who chose to partake of them, and the Amir’s servants also handed round cups of tea, which Afghan and Britisher alike sipped while the three hours of the interview slipped away. The tents of the Afghan army could be seen amid the vineyards, a couple of miles away; but no sign of the 5,000 or 6,000 armed men known to be in rear of the near hill could be detected. Our cavalry were the chief figures in the landscape, which was as peaceful as could be wished. The interview with the Amir lasted from 9 o’clock till noon, and no doubt many state secrets were aired, and much mutual cross-questioning gone through. The following may be taken as the purport of the conversation:—The Amir expressed himself most anxious to do everything to secure the throne for himself, and to remain on friendly terms with us; but he confessed his present weakness, and asked what we were prepared to do for him. Quoting our generous conduct towards Shere Ali, and the gifts of guns, ammunition, and money we had made to that monarch, he let it be inferred that he also should expect the same kind of treatment. What answer he got I am not prepared to say; but if it were that he would receive money but no arms, I should not be surprised. He was told that necessity might arise for marching troops from Cabul to Candahar, as Ayub Khan had shown unexpected strength in the south; and in answer to the question whether there would be objections raised to such a march, he said he should like to consult the people with him. No doubt the three hours were profitably filled, and our representative at least learned that the 2,000 Turkistan troops with the Amir were exceedingly suspicious of all his dealings with the British, and particularly objected to his visiting General Gough’s camp. They had an idea that treachery was contemplated, and that Abdur Rahman might be spirited off to India to keep Yakub Khan company. At noon the Amir appeared with Mr. Griffin at the door of the tent, the Lancers saluted, farewells were exchanged, and in a few minutes our representative and escort were cantering back to Kila Hajee, while the Amir was thoughtfully returning to his excited followers at Ak-Serai.
It was still believed on Saturday that a Durbar at Kila Hajee could be arranged, and Sir Donald Stewart, Sir Frederick Roberts and their Staffs rode out to General Gough’s camp. The Guides’ cavalry and four guns of G-3, R.A., with blank cartridges for saluting purposes, also moved out to Kila Hajee. On Saturday night the Amir’s troops occupied the Kotal, a mile from our camp, evidently fearing a surprise, and only withdrew at daylight on Sunday. General Gough equally mistrusted them, and a company of each regiment slept fully accoutred in their respective quarter-guards. A second interview between Mr. Griffin and the Amir took place yesterday (Sunday) morning, but in view of the uneasiness among the Turkistani troops, the precaution was taken of sending four companies of our Infantry to within a mile of the Durbar tents, and the Kotal in rear was also held in force. The conversation of the previous day was renewed, and I understand the Amir said the tribes might object to a force marching to Candahar, but that if no long halts were made on the way, there could be no objection on his part. Finally, the Amir asked that all English and native officials might withdraw, and for an hour he remained in conversation with Mr. Griffin. As we have since heard that everything has been satisfactorily settled, it is to be supposed that the “bargain”—if a rude mercantile term may be imported into high politics—was closed, and that the Amir Abdur Rahman Khan has declared his readiness to occupy Cabul, as we march out in a week or more, and will thereafter abide in his friendly sentiments towards the British. No Durbar, therefore, was held this morning, and now our Generals and Politicals are once more safe within the walls of Sherpur, and we are all discussing the chances of 10,000 men having to return to India by way of Candahar and Quetta.
A little incident occurred at Zimma on Sunday, which shows that the pestilent moollah is always taking occasion to arouse the people’s passions against us. While the Amir and Mr. Griffin were closeted together, a ragged-looking man (a fakir) approached the tent and began shrieking out, whereupon old Nakshband Khan, an ex-Ressaldar of Native Cavalry, called out to the Amir’s sentries to drive him off. There was a sentry at each corner of the tent, and one of these men promptly stoned the moollah, Nakshband explaining, with much energetic abuse, that such beasts did all the mischief in the country. The moollahs have been very quiet of late, but with Ayub’s success as a text, they may again begin preaching war to the knife against all Kafirs.
CHAPTER XXXI.
Further Details of the Maiwand Disaster—A Force ordered to march from Cabul to Candahar—Aid given by the Amir—Farewell Dinner to Sir F. Roberts—Details of the Force destined for Peshawar—Closing Scenes of the Occupation of Cabul—Interview between the Amir and Sir Donald Stewart—A Friendly Leave-Taking—The Evacuation of Sherpur on August 11th—Peaceful March to India—The Arrangements made with the Amir—Grant of £190,500 and Thirty Guns—The Forts left intact about Cabul—Weakness of such a Policy.