Commerce between Spanish America and the mother country should be treated as internal trade, the Americans having equal rights and privileges with their brethren of Europe. The same equality in respect to civil rights and appointment to office was likewise to exist between the natives of America and Spain. If such demands were conceded, Mexico and Central America would pay to Spain ten million dollars within six years, in yearly installments from January 1, 1823, to be applied to the cancelling of the national debt. They would also allow Spain two million dollars yearly for the support of the royal navy.[II-21]
It was now too late, however, for conciliatory efforts to be successful. Events crowded upon each other, and were beyond the control even of the men who made them. Central America was at peace, but the constitutional system recently established, with its popular elections and a free press, after the spirit of nationality had gained so much ground, naturally tended to excite the public mind, emboldening the timid, and increasing the number of the friends of independence. Party spirit controlled everything; it was felt even in the domestic circle. The people were prepared and anxious for a change, when vague rumors were set afloat of renewed revolutionary efforts in Mexico.[II-22] Party leaders were of one mind on the desirability of separation. It was generally admitted that the subjection of the country to Spain could no longer be maintained. Only a few high officials and Spaniards dissented. Now was the time, if ever, for a sound head and strong hand to helm the ship of state. Urrutia, owing to age and physical ailings, was not the man for the occasion; nor was he, though opposed to the scheme of secession, able to retard it. Under the circumstances, the diputacion provincial prevailed on the jefe superior político to delegate his powers to the sub-inspector of the troops, Gavino Gainza.[II-23] This officer at first tried to stem the torrent of revolution, to act as the agent of Spain, disapproving the plan of separation, but at the same time maintained intimate relations with the independents and aided their efforts. This party publicly circulated a paper for signatures to ask Gainza to proclaim independence himself. He pretended to be indignant; and upon the receipt of the plan of Iguala, formed in Mexico by Iturbide and Guerrero,[II-24] he issued a manifesto depicting it in the blackest colors, and ordered that all who had called on him to declare independence should be prosecuted.[II-25] The independents became disgusted, but had to make the best of the situation. They then resolved to play upon his personal ambition, assuring him that for his coöperation in their plans he would be retained in command, and afterward chosen the first chief magistrate of the young nation. While he still hesitated, they despatched Cayetano Bedoya to Oajaca for military aid from General Bravo. But on the messenger's arrival at Ciudad Real de Chiapas, he found that the place had followed the example of Oajaca and Tehuantepec, accepting the plan of Iguala. This step hastened events in Guatemala, and Bedoya had no need of going farther.
The act of Ciudad Real, received September 13th, caused the greatest excitement in the city of Guatemala, and the government had to give way. Urged by the diputacion, Gainza summoned, on the 14th, the high officials and other notables to a meeting next day to resolve on some action responsive to the demands of the people.[II-26]
GAINZA'S MEETING.
During the night of the 14th Molina and the cacos scattered their agents throughout the wards to stir up the masses, and at the same time to awe the españolistas, or royal partisans. At 8 a. m. on the 15th a throng of independents filled the porticos, court-yard, halls, and ante-chambers of the government house. Among them and instructing the crowds were Molina, Barrundia, Basilio Porras, and other leaders. Soon after began to arrive at the government house the officials called to take part in the deliberations of the meeting, namely, two members of each corporation deputized therefor; the archbishop and prelates of the religious orders; the chief officers of the army and treasury; who, together with the diputacion provincial, and under the presidency of the acting jefe superior político, Gainza,[II-27] at once proceeded to business. After reading the declarations in Chiapas, several members briefly expressed their views. The first speaker was Valle, leader of the gazistas, who eloquently advocated independence as necessary and just, but ended advising that it should not be proclaimed till the other sections had formally declared in its favor. The motion was seconded. The anti-independents[II-28] opposed all action until final results in Mexico should be received. Every attempt at a vacillating policy was defeated by the energetic efforts of the independents, who voted for an immediate declaration of independence.[II-29] Every vote favorable to independence was received by the people with loud applause, and every one against it with groans. The popular preference became so marked and boisterous that the anti-independents, fearing for their lives, retired from the palace.
PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE.
The diputacion and ayuntamiento then, as the legitimate organs to express the public will, drew up the Acta de Independencia, which was adopted, signed, and sworn to by all the members present.[II-30] This instrument, after declaring the aspiration of Guatemalans to be a free and independent people,[II-31] invited all citizens of the provinces to choose without delay representatives, on the basis of one for every 15,000 inhabitants, to a national congress that was to meet March 1, 1822. In the mean time the Spanish laws, courts of justice, and public functionaries were to continue as heretofore. The representatives were to be chosen by the same juntas electorales that had lately, since the restoration of the constitution, elected deputies to the córtes, without excluding, as the constitution did, men of African descent from the rights of full citizenship.[II-32] The clause giving the last electoral college, with its majority of Valle's partisans, the power to choose the members of the constituent congress, is said to have been inserted in the acta by himself.[II-33]
On the 17th Gainza issued a proclamation formally placing before the people the resolutions adopted on the 15th, and enjoining on all the duty of abiding by them, and of respecting the laws and authorities recognized by them. Any attempt, by word or deed, to restore Spanish domination was declared high treason, punishable with death.[II-34] The powers of the congress would be constituent to adopt a form of government and frame the national constitution. Meantime Gainza held civil and military authority, acting with the advice of a provisional junta consultiva, formed with the diputacion provincial and seven additional members, representing respectively Leon, Comayagua, Costa Rica, Quezaltenango, Sololá, Chimaltenango, Sonsonate, and Ciudad Real.[II-35] Neither the people at large nor the meeting of the 15th created such a body. It was the creation of the men who remained behind in the hall, including Valle, who drew up the acta.[II-36] Continuing his double dealing, Gainza had issued his proclamation, on the 16th, for the election of representatives to congress. He spoke therein of the longing for independence since 1810, of the popular love for the cause which had been so forcibly sustained at the meeting of the preceding day, and concluded by inviting the whole people to approve the plan, and to appoint their deputies to complete the work.
Before proceeding further with the political situation at the capital of Guatemala, I will devote a little space to laying before the reader some information on one of its most important sections, namely, Chiapas. The population was computed in 1813 at over 100,000 inhabitants, of whom 70,000 were Indians; the remainder were Spaniards and mixed breeds, with a few negroes.[II-37]
As a reward for good services and generous pecuniary contributions to the nation, the Spanish córtes passed, October 29, 1813, a decree bestowing the title of city on the town of Comitan, and that of villa on those of Tusta, Tonalá, Tapachula, and Palenque.[II-38]