Since the establishment of the constitution of 1863, Panamá has been considered a good field by men aspiring to political and social position without risking their persons and fortunes. They have ever found unpatriotic Panameños ready to aid them in maintaining the quondam colonial dependence, and investing them with power, that they might grow fat together on the spoils. Almost every national election, since the great war of 1860, has brought about a forced change in the state government. The first victim, as we have seen, was Governor Guardia, deposed by national troops under Santa Coloma. That was the beginning of political demoralization on the Isthmus. Every similar illegal device to insure party triumph and power at Bogotá has been, I repeat, the work of agents from the national capital assisted by men of Panamá to push their own interests, and supported by the federal garrison.[XXVI-107]
The office of chief magistrate is desired for controlling political power, and the public funds to enrich the holder and his chief supporters. Patriotism, and a noble purpose to foster the welfare of the country and the people in general, are, if thought of at all, objects of secondary consideration. At times, the presidency is fought for with arms among the negroes themselves, and the city is then a witness of bloody scenes. The aim of every such effort is to gain control of power for the sake of the spoils.
Panamá cannot, being the smallest and weakest state of the Colombian union, rid itself of the outside pressure. Neither can it crush the unholy ambition of its politicians. Both entail misfortunes enough. But the Isthmus must also share the same sufferings as the other states in times of political convulsion in the whole nation.[XXVI-108]
In view of the fact that the Isthmus of Panamá may before many years become much more than it has heretofore been, a great highway of nations, and that the great interests which will be constantly at stake on the route will demand an effectual protection, it is self-evident that measures of a permanent character must in time be adopted to secure that end. Panamá, as an appendage of Colombia, and at the mercy of an irresponsible population, cannot afford that protection; neither is Colombia, with her constantly recurring squabbles, better able to fulfil any international obligations she might assume in the premises. Without intending to cast any slur upon her, or to doubt her honorable intentions, all—herself among the number—must own that it would be extremely dangerous to lean on so weak a reed. The question therefore occurs, and must soon be solved, What is to be the future status of the Isthmus? A strong government is doubtless a necessity, and must be provided from abroad. Shall it assume the form of a quasi independent state under the protectorate of the chief commercial nations, eliminating Colombia from participation therein? or must the United States, as the power most interested in preserving the independence of the highway, take upon themselves the whole control for the benefit of all nations? Time will tell.
PANAMÁ A DEPARTMENT.
Since the foregoing remarks were written, a change has taken place in the political organization of the United States of Colombia, by which the government has been centralized, the name of the republic being changed to República de Colombia, and the state of Panamá, being reduced to a mere national department, to be ruled by a civil and military governor appointed by the national executive at Bogotá. Under the new order of things, General Santodomingo Vila, the former president, became civil and military ruler, with powers to inaugurate the departmental organization.[XXVI-109] He took possession of his office, and dictated several measures toward that end, and the suppression of gambling and other abuses. But without good grounds, after recognizing the press to be free, suddenly suspended that freedom, though he soon after restored it. Meantime, however, he caused the suspension for sixty days of the Star and Herald and Estrella newspapers, alleging their hostility to the government because they declined to publish some of his measures.[XXVI-110]
CHAPTER XXVII.
CENTRAL AMERICAN INSTITUTIONS.
1886.
Extent of the Country—Climate—Mountains and Volcanoes—Earthquakes—Rivers and Lakes—Costa Rica's Area, Possessions, and Political Division and Government—Her Chief Cities—Nicaragua, her Territory, Towns, and Municipal Administration—Honduras' Extent, Islands, Cities, and Local Government—Salvador, her Position, Area, Towns, and Civil Rule—Guatemala's Extent and Possessions—Her Cities and Towns—Internal Administration—Isthmus of Panamá—Area, Bays, Rivers, and Islands—Department and District Rule—The Capital and Other Towns—Population—Character and Customs—Education—Epidemics and Other Calamities.
Central America proper embraces the region situated between the state of Chiapas in the republic of Mexico on the north, and the former state, now department, of Panamá on the south, extending from about latitude 7° to 18° north, in length from 800 to 900 miles, and in breadth varying from about 30 to about 300 miles. The united area of the five republics comprised therein is about 175,000 square miles.[XXVII-1]
PHYSICAL FEATURES.