Gomara states that Velazquez sought to break with Cortés and send only Grijalva’s vessels, with another commander; but to this Láres and Duero, whose advice was asked by the governor, made strong objection, saying that Cortés and his friends had spent too much money now to abandon the enterprise, which was very true; for like the appetite of Angaston which came with eating, the more Cortés tasted the sweets of popularity and power, the more stomach he had for the business. And the more the suspicions of the governor grew, the greater were the captain-general’s assurances of devotion, and the firmer became the determination of Cortés and his followers to prosecute this adventure, in which they had staked their all.[89]
Warned by Láres and Duero of every plot, Cortés hurried preparations, sending friends to forage, and shipping stores with the utmost despatch, meanwhile giving secret orders for all to be ready to embark at a moment’s notice. Finally, the hour having come, on the evening of the 17th of November, with a few trusty adherents, Cortés presented himself before the governor, and politely took his leave. It fell suddenly on Velazquez, in whose eyes all movements relating to the expedition had of late become the manœuvres of men conspired to overreach him. But having neither the excuse nor the ability to stop the expedition he let the officers depart.
By playing with the devil one soon learns to play the devil. From the governor’s house Cortés hastened to the public meat depository, seized and added to his stores the town’s next week’s supply, and left the keeper, Fernando Alfonso, a gold chain, all he had remaining wherewith to make payment.[90] It was a dull, dry, gray November morning, the 18th, very early, after mass had been said, when the squadron, consisting of six vessels, sailed out of Santiago harbor amidst the vivas of the populace and the inward cursings of the governor.[91] But of little avail was Velazquez’ remorse; for Cortés carried no Æolian wind-bags to drive him back from his destination.
Despatching one of the vessels to Jamaica[92] for provisions, Cortés touched at Macaca for further supplies, and thence steered for Trinidad, where he was received with demonstrations of enthusiasm by the alcalde mayor, Francisco Verdugo brother-in-law of Velazquez, and by other hidalgos, who placed their houses at his disposal. Raising his standard before his quarters, he proclaimed the expedition and invited volunteers, as he had done at Santiago. Soon his force was augmented by over one hundred of Grijalva’s men. Here also joined several captains and hidalgos, afterward famous in New Spain adventure. There were the five brothers Alvarado, Alonso de Ávila, Gonzalo Mejía afterward treasurer at Mexico, Cristóbal de Olid, Alonzo Hernandez Puertocarrero cousin of the count of Medellin, Gonzalo de Sandoval who became so great a friend of Cortés, Juan Velazquez de Leon a relative of the governor, and others.[93] From the plantations of Santi Espíritu and elsewhere came many. This Cortés beheld with proud satisfaction, and welcomed these important acquisitions with martial music and peals of artillery.
In seeking supplies Cortés paid little heed to rights of property, so long as he obtained what he needed; he was subsequently not a little proud of his success. “By my faith,” he boasts in Spain in 1542, “but I did play the corsair genteelly.” Among the arbitrary purchases was that of a vessel from Jamaica laden with provisions for the mines, for which the owner might accept promissory notes or nothing.[94] Another vessel from the same place, on the same mission, Cortés sent Ordaz to seize and convey to Cape San Antonio, or perhaps to San Cristóbal where we afterward find him, there to await the fleet. This captain, it will be remembered, was the spy of Velazquez, and to him, therefore, rather than to another, was given this mission, to prevent his watching proceedings at Trinidad. The commander of the seized vessel was Juan Nuñez Sedeño, who was induced to join the expedition.[95] Meanwhile in the breast of Velazquez was stirred afresh the poison of jealousy by an astrologer, one Juan Millan, employed by the enemies of Cortés to work on the fears of the governor. The result was the arrival at Trinidad, in hot haste, of two messengers from the governor, with orders for Verdugo to detain the fleet, the command of which had been transferred to Vasco Porcallo. Moreover, all the retainers of Velazquez were called upon to aid in deposing Cortés. It was no difficult matter, however, for Cortés to persuade Verdugo of two things: first, that there were no grounds for Velazquez’ fears, and secondly, if there were, force would now avail him nothing. So strong was Cortés in his position that he could easily lay the town in ashes should its authorities attempt to interfere in his purposes. Taking one of the messengers, Pedro Lasso, into his service, by the other Cortés wrote Velazquez, in language most respectful, begging him to believe that he would always be true to his God, his king, and his dear friend and governor. In like notes the robin and the screech-owl muffle their voices when danger is near, so as to conceal the distance, and make themselves seem far away. Thus passed twelve days, according to Bernal Diaz, at Trinidad, when one of the vessels was despatched to the north side of the island for supplies, and the fleet departed for San Cristóbal, then Habana,[96] while Pedro de Alvarado, with fifty soldiers and all the horses, proceeded thither overland, adding to their number at the plantations on the way.
One night during the voyage to San Cristóbal, the flag-ship was separated from the other vessels and stranded on a reef near Isla de Pinos. With skill and promptness Cortés transferred the contents in small boats to the shore, set free the lightened vessel, and, reloading, joined his captains at San Cristóbal. This accident delayed him seven days, during which time there was no small stir among his men at San Cristóbal as to who should command the fleet in case its captain-general failed to appear. Conspicuous among these questioners was Ordaz, who claimed precedence as Velazquez’ representative. But the arrival of the commander put an end to the controversy and spread unbounded joy throughout the armada. Landing, he accepted the hospitality of Pedro Barba, lieutenant of Velazquez. Among those who joined him here were Francisco Montejo, the future conqueror of Yucatan, and Diego de Soto, who in Mexico became the mayordomo of Cortés. Again the commander rid himself of Ordaz by sending him with a vessel to the plantations near Cape San Antonio, there to await the fleet. The artillery was landed and cleaned; the cross-bows were tested and the firelocks polished. Cotton armor was secured. More provisions being required, Quesada, the Episcopal tithe-collector, contributed his stock.
Warranted, as he thought, by his success and prospects, and well aware of the effect on the Spanish mind of some degree of ostentation and military display, Cortés put on the paraphernalia of still greater leadership, and appointed a chamberlain, a chief butler, and a mayordomo, in the persons of Rodrigo Rangel, Guzman, and Juan de Cáceres, which pomp he ever after maintained.[97] Gaspar de Garnica now arrived with letters from Velazquez to Barba, Ordaz, Leon, and others, ordering and entreating them to stop the fleet, arrest Cortés, and send him a prisoner to Santiago. It was of no avail, however. Soldiers, officers, even Barba himself, were enthusiastic for Cortés, who once more wrote the governor, in terms as courteous as they were costless, and shortly afterward, on the 10th of February, 1519, the fleet again set sail.[98] Guaguanico, on the north side of Cape San Antonio, was the place appointed for muster and apportionment.[99] Meanwhile Pedro Alvarado was sent forward with sixty soldiers in the San Sebastian to bring Ordaz to the rendezvous, but driven by a gale beyond his goal and near to Yucatan, he thought it useless to return, and so proceeded to Cozumel Island, where he arrived two days before the others. The expedition consisted of twelve vessels, the flag-ship or capitana of one hundred tons, three others of from sixty to eighty tons, and the rest small brigantines and open craft, including a transport commanded by Ginés Nortes. The soldiers numbered five hundred and eight, and the sailors one hundred and nine, including officers and pilots. The priests present were Juan Diaz and Bartolomé de Olmedo, of the Order of Mercy. Under Juan Benitez and Pedro de Guzman were thirty-two crossbowmen; thirteen men only carried firelocks, the rest being armed with swords and spears. The artillery consisted of ten bronzed guns and four falconets, and was in charge of Francisco de Orozco, aided by Mesa Usagre, Arbenga, and others. About two hundred Cuban Indians, together with some native women and negro slaves, were brought for service, despite the prohibitory clause in the instructions. Sixteen horses receive the minute description and glowing encomium of the soldier Diaz, and play an important part in the coming campaign. The supplies included some five thousand tocinos, or pieces of salt pork, six thousand loads of maize and yucca, fowl, vegetables, groceries, and other provisions. For barter were beads, bells, mirrors, needles, ribbons, knives, hatchets, cotton goods, and other articles.[100]
The force was divided into eleven companies, each under a captain having control on sea and land. The names of the captains were Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, Alonso de Ávila, Diego de Ordaz, Francisco de Montejo, Francisco de Morla, Escobar, Juan de Escalante, Juan Velazquez de Leon, Cristóbal de Olid, Pedro de Alvarado, and Cortés, with Anton de Alaminos as chief pilot.[101]
From this list it will be seen that those but lately regarded as of the Velazquez party received their full share in the command. This cannot be attributed so much to the captain-general’s sense of fairness, which forbade him to take advantage of interests voluntarily intrusted to his care, as to a studied policy whereby he hoped to win for his purposes certain men of influence, whom it would, for that matter, have been dangerous to remove.
Before the review, Cortés addressed his soldiers in a speech as shrewd and stirring as that of Marcius at Corioli. Pointing to the thousands of unbaptized, he awakened their religious zeal; dwelling on the grandeur of the undertaking, he stimulated their ambition; referring to the vast wealth these lands contained, he excited their cupidity. Greater and richer lands than all the Spanish kingdoms, he called them, and inhabited by strange races, only awaiting submission to their invincible arms. Their whole fortune was invested in the fleet that carried them; but who would regret so trifling an expenditure when compared with the glorious results to follow? They were setting out upon a career of conquest in the name of their God, who had always befriended the Spanish nation; and in the name of their emperor, for whom they would achieve greater deeds than any ever performed. Riches lay spread before them; but like good and brave men they must look with him to the higher and nobler reward of glory. “Nevertheless,” he archly added, “be true to me, as am I to you, and ere long I will load you with wealth such as you have never dreamed of. I will not say it is to be won without hardships; but who of you are afraid? We are few, but we are brave. Let us therefore on with the work so well begun, joyously and confidently to the end!”[102] There is no passion so artful as avarice in hiding itself under some virtue. Sometimes it is progress, sometimes patriotism, but its warmest cloak has ever been religion. There is a double profit to the devotee whose religion gratifies his avarice, and whose avarice is made a part of his religion.