With relations so lovingly established, and with a personal knowledge of the military genius of Cortés, and the strength and versatility of his character, it would seem that here would be the first instant choice of the governor for the command of the important expedition now in preparation. But the quality of the man required did not altogether hinge on merit. As we have seen, Velazquez required for his purpose an anomalous creation. He must be able but humble; able to command men, and able likewise to obey his chief; honest to Velazquez, but false, if necessary, to all the world else. It was not an Alexander or an Alcibiades that was wanted; not so much a man as a thing: “Piper, non homo,” as Petronius Arbiter said; pungent as pepper, and not a human being.

Be this as it may, the sordid friendship of Láres and Duero prevailed with the governor, and on the 23d of October, 1518, his instructions to Hernan Cortés, commander-in-chief of the expedition, were drawn up before the notary, Alonso de Escalante, in accordance with the permission granted by the authorities at Santo Domingo, which limited the enterprise to exploration; the privilege to colonize depending on royal favor for which Velazquez must sue in Spain.[79]

One would think that after these twenty-five years of experience there could be found no ecclesiastic or ruler so childish as to expect morality or humanity from the wolves of Spain let loose among the naked and defenceless of America. And yet we find the friars of Española, in pursuance of the devout and high-minded views expressed by Velazquez, subscribing to instructions which enjoin Cortés to observe a conduct befitting a Christian soldier, as if there were any reasonable hope of his doing so. He must prohibit blasphemy, licentiousness, and gambling among his men, and on no account molest the natives, but gently inform them of the glory of God, and of the Catholic king. Possession must be taken in Velazquez’ name and the secrets of the country ascertained. Search must be made for Grijalva and Olid, and for the Christian captives supposed to be in Yucatan. We might again mark the double-dealing of the governor, who discharges Grijalva for not having settled contrary to his instructions, while charging the new commander not to seize the country, yet expecting him to do so.[80] The instructions consist of thirty clauses, and the document reflects no credit on the scrivener.[81]

Man and his character are subject to environment. Neither is finished until decay has well set in. Long before the receipt of his commission the adolescent Cortés was a creation of the past; even the adult Cortés was a different being before and after his appointment. His action now was the expression of new intuitions. Always under the influence of turbulent emotions, his ambition had suddenly become more aggressive. In pure impulses, in refined feelings, in noble instincts, he was essentially defective. He harbored no ideal of duty, such as we have seen in the mind of Grijalva. His code of ethics was neither broad nor catholic. And notwithstanding his great respect for religion, so great indeed as to excite suspicion that he cared very little for it; notwithstanding his outward piety, and his devotion to the church, the lighter immoralities fitted him with an ease and grace that hampered his movements not in the least. Yet for all this the alcalde of Santiago suddenly became a great man, not in name only, but actually; wellnigh revolutionizing the society of which he himself was the product. To him, and to others, his commission was a match applied to explosive material, letting loose the latent force. The leaders of the first gulf-shore expeditions, Córdoba, Grijalva, and Cortés, present themselves before us in relatively increasing proportions. Córdoba, the first, was least, though a most gentlemanly and kind-hearted pirate. Grijalva, though second to Cortés in talents and fame, was far before him in honesty. During the preparations which quickly followed the appointment of Cortés, the inherent qualities of the man developed to a degree alarming alike to friends and enemies, and astonishing to himself. He found his nature a strong one, with magnetic attractions, and an affinity with danger. He found himself possessed of that higher courage of the mind which begets self-confidence, breeds the hero, and ends in the achievement of the uttermost. And genius was there; he began to feel it and to know it: the genius of ambition and egotism, whose central figure was himself, an all-prevailing sentiment, before which right, religion, humanity, and even life itself, must be subservient. His rapidly evolving will was becoming ponderous, overwhelming. Fame was becoming to him what ambition was to Columbus; only he possessed his idea instead of being possessed by it. Sufficiently educated for the purposes of statecraft, opportunity alone was needed to enable him to turn every weapon to the furtherance of his own designs. Without attempting to pry into the occult, he now began to see things with a large and liberal eye. Life was assuming tremendous realities, which bridled impulse; yet it was an ordeal he believed he could face. While in sophistry he found himself equal to Euripides, he began to put on bombast such as Æschylus could not have scorned, and to display an energy as sublime as that of Archilochus; yet all this time his good sense was supplemented by graceful courtesy. All who worship the bright wit and intellectual versatility that flatter ambition and yield unscrupulous success may henceforth bow the knee to Hernan Cortés.

No sooner was his commission sealed than Cortés set himself about the task of collecting his many requirements. His own few thousand pesos of ready money were quickly spent; then he mortgaged his estates, and borrowed to the uttermost from his friends. Velazquez was free with everything except his substance; free with his advice and ostentation, free with the ships of others, and willing to sell to the expedition the products of his farm at exorbitant prices. Nevertheless the investment to the governor, as well as to Cortés, was large, the former furnishing some ships of his own and some money, the whole cost of vessels and outfit being about twenty thousand ducats.[82]

Establishing places of enlistment throughout the island, Cortés roused to action his many friends, both in person and by letter. At principal settlements the expedition was proclaimed about the streets, in the king’s name, by the beating of drums and the voice of the crier. One third of the proceeds of the adventure was promised the soldiers and subalterns, two thirds going to the outfitters.[83] A banner of black taffeta was embroidered with the royal arms in gold, and blue and white flames surrounding a red cross, and round the border it bore the inscription, “Amici sequamur crucem, si nos habuerimus fidem in hoc signo vincemus.” Friends, let us follow the cross, and if we have faith under this sign we shall conquer.[84]

Assuming a dress and bearing more fitting a military commander, Cortés threw open his doors, and by judiciously combining the frank joviality of a soldier with the liberal hospitality of a man of wealth, he rapidly drew to his adventure all the available men of the island. There were not lacking those to sneer at this assumption of preëminence, which flaunted it so bravely with plume and medal, with martial music and retinue, saying, here was a lord without lands.[85] But they little knew the strength and firmness of him who, having once put on the great man, would lay the livery down but with his life. This soldierly display, always taking to the Castilian fancy, could scarcely be called affectation, for the genius which commands success was present, and the firmness of resolve was covered with such pleasing affability as to render its presence scarcely suspected. With his fine soldierly qualities were financial and executive ability, and fair common sense, a rare combination in a Spanish cavalier. While loving adventure he did not altogether hate ideas. His world now spread itself before him, as divided into two unequal classes, those that use others, and those that are used by others, and he resolved himself forever into the former category. Like Diogenes, though enslaved at Crete, Cortés felt that if he could do one thing better than another it was to command men. Coupled with this egotism was the sensible intuition that the mastery of others begins with self-mastery. Indeed his command over himself, as well as over others, was most remarkable. “By my conscience!” was a favorite oath, which implies not brutal passion. At times a swelling vein in the forehead, and another in the throat, indicated rising anger, manifested also by a peculiarity of throwing off his cloak; but the voice would remain decorous, and the words seldom passed beyond a “Mal pese á vos!” May it bear heavily upon you. To the insolent soldier, whom we shall often find overstepping the bounds of prudence, he would merely say, “Be silent!” or “Go, in God’s name, and be more careful if you would escape punishment.” Equally composed in argument, he wielded his persuasive powers to their best advantage. Rio de Avenida, the Rushing River, was at one time a nickname, and later he affected long hair and lawsuits. At the gaming-table, to which he was greatly addicted, he won or lost with equal sang-froid, ever ready with a witticism to smooth the varying course of fortune. Though he did not hesitate as gay Lothario to invade the family of another, most unreasonably he was very jealous lest his own family should be invaded. While liberal to friend or mistress, and ready to sacrifice almost anything to gain an object, he was not always regarded as over-generous by his men, too many of whom were of that class, however, that nothing would satisfy. Although a fair eater, he drank but little, and confined himself to simple diet. This moderation also extended to dress, which, before his elevation, was not only neat but tasteful in its rich simplicity, ornamented with few but choice jewels, and with little diversity. A love of pomp, however, developed with his rising fortunes, more particularly in the way of showy residences and a large retinue, which accorded well with the courtly manners native to the Spaniard claiming noble blood. Cervantes says that in the army even the niggardly become prodigal.

Cortés found the way of throwing into his cause not only himself, but others, in some respects as able as himself. His liberal measures and enthusiasm became infectious, and brought to enrolment wealthy volunteers, who furnished not only their own outfit, but helped to provide others.[86] Within a short time there joined over three hundred men, among them some high in the service and confidence of the governor—instance, Francisco de Morla his chamberlain, Martin Ramos de Láres a Basque, Pedro Escudero, Juan Ruano, Escobar, and Diego de Ordaz mayordomo of Velazquez, and instructed by him to watch proceedings and secretly report.

The harbor of Santiago at this time presented a busy scene. There were the hurrying to and fro of laborers and recruits, the clang of carpenters’ hammers upon ships undergoing repairs, the collecting of goods, and the loading of vessels. Every day the landing was enlivened by the presence of the governor, often arm-in-arm with his most dutiful and compliant captain-general, surrounded by gayly dressed attendants and followed by half the town. On one of these visits of inspection, while engaged in friendly conversation respecting the progress of affairs, the Governor’s jester, Francisquillo, who was present, as usual, performing his antics before his master, cried out, “Ah, friend Diego!” Then to Cortés, “And how fares our brave captain, he of Medellin and Estremadura? Be careful, good master, or we shall soon have to beat the bush for this same Cortés.” Velazquez laughed heartily, and turning to his companion exclaimed, “Compadre, do you hear this fool?” “What, señor?” replied Cortés, pretending preoccupation. “He says you will run away with our fleet,” replied Velazquez. “Pay no attention to the knave, your worship; I am very sure these infamous pleasantries never emanated from his mad brain,” rejoined Cortés, deeply chagrined. And ere the laugh died away on the lips of the governor his timid breast was chilled by fearful forebodings. What if it were true, thought Velazquez, and this fellow, whom I have lifted from his low estate, should declare for himself on reaching New Spain? Then he called to mind his late quarrel with Cortés, and the courage, energy, and determination displayed by the latter throughout. The governor trembled when he thought of it. About him were enough of the disappointed only too ready to fan these suspicions into a flame.[87]

I regret having to spoil a good story; but the truth is, the drama reported by Bartolomé Las Casas, and reiterated by Herrera and Prescott, was never performed. It tells how Cortés put to sea, Prescott asserts the very night after the jester’s warning; and that in the morning, when the governor, early roused from his bed, rushed down to the landing with all the town at his heels, Cortés returned part way in an armed boat and bandied words with him. Beside being improbable, almost impossible, this version is not sustained by the best authorities.[88] The fact is, some time elapsed, after the suspicions of the governor had first been aroused, before the sailing of the fleet, during which interval Grijalva with his ships returned.