The slaves were then directed to lay down the presents; among which were thirty bales of cotton fabrics, from gauzy curtains to heavy robes, white, colored, plain, and figured,[167] interwoven with feathers or embroidered with gold and silver thread; feathers and plumes of all colors, embroidered sandals, and marcasite mirrors. All these, however, were trifles beside the gold, the beautiful glittering gold which was now disclosed, and likewise the silver. First there was a disk of the yellow metal, representing the sun with its rays, as large as a carriage wheel, ten spans in diameter, ornamented in demi-relief and valued at thirty-eight hundred pesos de oro.[168] A companion disk of solid silver, of the same size, and equally ornamented, represented the moon.[169] Then there were thirty golden ducks, well fashioned; a number of other pieces in form of dogs, lions, monkeys, and other animals; ten collars, a necklace with over one hundred pendent stones called emeralds and rubies by the Spaniards; twelve arrows, a bow with cord stretched, two staves each five palms in length; fans, bracelets, and other pieces, all of fine gold, beside a number of silver. What could have delighted the Spaniards more? One thing only, and that was not wanting—the gilt helmet returned full of virgin gold, fine dust and coarse, with a plentiful mixture of nuggets of various sizes and shapes, all fresh from the placers. The value of this was three thousand pesos, and appreciation was attracted not so much by the amount as by the significance of the gift, as Bernal Diaz remarks, for it afforded a sure indication of the existence of rich mines in the country. “It was this gift which cost Montezuma his head,”[170] says Torquemada.
The words which followed fell on closed ears. These so greatly admired gifts are but a slight token of the high regard of the emperor, who would be pleased to form a friendship with his king; but he could not think of troubling Cortés to come to him through a hostile country; besides, he was ailing. Everything the visitors might wish to aid their departure would be instantly supplied. This and more. Poor, foolish monarch! As well might he ask the ravenous wolf to depart after giving it to lick a little blood from his scratched hand. For the gifts, a thousand thanks; but after so long a voyage, undertaken solely for the purpose, the Spanish captain dared not face his master without having seen the great Montezuma. As for the road, its difficulties or dangers were nothing. Would the chiefs present their monarch these further articles, and bring speedy answer?[171]
Meanwhile discussion was in order among the Spaniards, and speculation as to what should be done. Some advised immediate advance on Montezuma’s capital; some, fearful of the nation’s strength, as manifested by its arts and refinements, favored return to Cuba for reinforcements. Cortés let them talk, but said little. Traffic at first was freely permitted among the men,[172] and as the result was meagre Cortés did not think it worth while to require of them a division. To this irregularity certain of the Velazquez leaders objected, demanding at least that the royal fifth should be deducted; the commander therefore ordered gold to be received only by Gonzalo Mejía, as treasurer.[173]
Ten days elapsed before Teuhtlile returned, without the envoy,[174] but followed by a file of slaves bearing, among other things, as a present to the Spanish king, ten loads of rich feathers and robes, some gold figures valued at three thousand pesos, and four chalchiuite stones, each declared to be worth a load of gold, but of no value to Europeans.
Teuhtlile then stated that further messages to the emperor were useless, since the desired interview could not be granted. He hoped the Spaniards would content themselves with the promised supplies and depart in peace.
Turning to his companions, Cortés said: “Truly this must be a great lord, and rich; and, God willing, some day we will visit him.” Just then the bell struck for Ave María, and instantly, with uncovered heads, the soldiers were kneeling round the cross. The priests, ever ready to preach their faith where an opportunity presented, were soon at work. His words, however, made a bad impression on the governor, as had also the evasive answer of Cortés to his message. He bade a cold farewell, and the next morning the Spaniards awoke to find the native encampment deserted, and even the supplies carried away. Precautions were now taken against probable attack, by sending on board the provisions and all cumbrous articles, leaving embarkation easy at any moment.[175]
FOOTNOTES
[149] See Native Races, iv. 434. Duran’s native records call this the ‘port’ of Chalchuihqueyacan. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389. The spelling by different authorities differs greatly. Clavigero, and Veytia, Hist. Ant. Méj., iii. 377, give April 21 as the date of arrival, while Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. Mex. 1845), 135, makes it the 22d. Year Ce Acatl. Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 411. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7., says 13 conejos.
[150] Torquemada, i. 387. Bernal Diaz writes Pitalpitoque, named by the Spaniards Ovandillo. Hist. Verdad., 25. Herrera, Pitalpitoc. Solis, followed by Robertson, Pilpatoe. Bernal Diaz and Gomara name Teuhtlile, the chief governor of the province, who lived farther in the interior, as the sender.
[151] According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 40, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv., this new interpreter is not discovered until four days later.