[152] ‘Entremetida, é desembuelta,’ slabbers that lecherous old soldier Bernal Diaz. To call women loose comes well from men who spend their lives in making them so. If, as has been stated, the women of her native district have borne a reputation not altogether enviable, whose fault is it? Not theirs, truly. That this girl was the mistress of men, under the circumstances, detracts not one iota from her good name in the minds of right-thinking persons; nay, it detracts nothing from her purity of mind, her honesty, or her innate morality. ‘Reprehensible medio de asegurarla en su fidelidad,’ says Solis, Hist. Conq. Mex., i. 119, otherwise so ready to cover up the defects of his hero.
[153] Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24-5. According to Gomara she was born in Viluta, in the direction of Jalisco, the daughter of rich parents, related to the cacique. From them she was stolen by traders and sold in Xicalanco. Hist. Mex., 40. The town and district may be a corruption of Huilotlan, in Xalatzinco, which Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287, gives as her native place, and this may be identical with the present Oluta or Holuta, near Acayucan, on the isthmus of Tehuantepec. Painala is no longer known. Fossey, who travelled through the region, states that tradition makes Xaltipan or Altipan her birthplace, and in support of this belief a mountain is pointed out, close to the town, bearing the name of Malinche. Mexique, 26-7; Gomara, Hist. Mex. (Bustamante ed.), i. 41; Berendt, in Salazar, Méx. en 1554, 178; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi.; Sahagun, Hist. Conq. i. 15, mentions Teticpac, and Oviedo names Mexico as Marina’s native place, iii. 259, while Saavedra undertakes to reconcile the different statements by supposing that her family came originally from Jalisco, west of Anáhuac, to Mexico city, and thence to Goazacoalco. Her high intelligence indicates that she was educated in the capital. Dic. Univ., ix. 774.
[154] Mexicans being unable to pronounce the ‘r,’ Marina became Malina, to which the tzin was added in respect, equivalent to doña or lady. Malinche was a Spanish corruption, which was at times applied by the Indians to Cortés, as the lord and companion of Marina, and Juan Perez de Arteaga had also the appellation added to his name, from being so often with her. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 52. Another conjecture is that her original name was Malina, or Malinalli, signifying ‘twisted thing,’ the term for one of the Mexican days, applied in accordance with a native custom of giving children the name of their birthday. The name indeed is not uncommon, the lord of Tlachquiauhco, for instance, being called Malinal or Malinaltzin. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 31, 40. On finding her own name so similar to Marina, the Spanish priest gave her this at the font. The Indians usually acquired a surname after they grew up, and Tenepal is that found for Marina. Sigüenza y Góngora, Paraiso Occid., 38; Salazar y Olarte, Conq. Mex., 217; Arróniz, Orizaba, 171, 182. To Cortés she bore a son, who was recognized by his father and raised to the rank of a knight of Santiago. While on the way with Cortés to Honduras, in 1524, she was legally married to Captain Juan Jaramillo. This took place at Ostoticpac, near Orizaba, and excited no little comment. Some believe that the arrival of Cortés’ wife was the cause of the marriage; but although this may have led to his separation from Marina, it could not have affected the marriage, since the wife was already dead. Cortés no doubt found her an incumbrance, and sought to be rid of it in a manner honorable to her at least. Gomara accuses him of having made Jaramillo drunk for the purpose. Hist. Mex., 251; but this Bernal Diaz corrects. He knew one of the witnesses at the ceremony. Hist. Verdad., 25. Jaramillo had achieved a certain prominence as commander of one of the brigantines which aided in the siege of Mexico, and in other affairs, and is said to have been an hidalgo. Ixtlilxochitl marries her to Aguilar, probably because this seemed a fit union. Hist. Chich., 287. Camargo, Hist. Tlax., 143. Shortly after her marriage the army halted at Goazacoalco, whither all the chiefs of the neighborhood were summoned to tender submission and to receive instruction in the faith. Among them was a young cacique with his mother, whose resemblance to Marina at once called the attention of all acquainted with the story, and led to her recognition as the heartless parent. The old dame feared for her life, but Marina reassured her with tender caresses, excusing her conduct as controlled by the deceased stepfather, and cheered her with a number of presents. She presented her husband, and referred with fond pride to the son she had given to Cortés. Both mother and half-brother accepted baptism, he receiving the name of Lázaro, and she that of Marta, an appropriate name for one who perhaps lived long enough to lament the ruin of her people and country, an indirect result of her unnatural treatment of Marina. Bernal Diaz, who witnessed all this, and became further acquainted with the family, declares Gomara wrong, and says: ‘Conoci á su madre, y á su hermano,’ concluding ‘todo esto que digo, se lo oî muy certificadamente, y se lo jurò, amen.’ Hist. Verdad., 25; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 12-14; Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 38. Returning to Mexico, she received lands there and in her native province, but took up her residence in the capital, where her husband held a prominent position through his wealth and offices, such as regidor and as the first alférez of the city. ‘Recibieron pr Alferes de esta Ciudad a Juan Xaramillo.’ ‘Primer Alferes.’ Libro de Cabildo, MS., 216. Reference is made to lots and other grants made to him and his wife Doña Marina, on March 14, 1528, and other dates. Id. Both held repartimientos, one of which lay in Xilotepec. Marina appears to have been still living in Mexico city in 1550, impressing her memory upon the hearts of the grateful people, over whose welfare she even now watches. Invoked by them, her spirit is frequently encountered in its twilight flights on errands of mercy and consolation, issuing from the ancient groves of Chapultepec, where centres the recollection of Aztec glories. Ballads still perpetuate her virtues, and many a nature’s monument bears proudly the beloved name of Malintzin. Tradition also transforms her into a naiad who daily rises from the pool of Chapultepec, singing divinely. Rodriguez, Anáhuac, 461. She appears to have had several children by Cortés. Peralta mentions five besides Martin, of whom two died while young. The three remaining were daughters, of whom two became nuns, and the third, Leonor, the wife of Martin de Tolosa. Nat. Hist., 75. This is not wholly correct, however, for in the Libro de Gobierno del Virey Mendoza is a document, dated April, 1550, wherein the viceroy grants a petition from her in favor of her grandson, Don Alonso de Estrada, son of Luis de Saavedra, deceased, and encomendero of Tilantongo town. Alaman’s notes, in Prescott’s Mex. (Mex. 1844), ii. 268-9. In Cortés, Residencia, i. 123, ii. 70, 101, witnesses refer also to a daughter of the interpreter Marina, with whom Cortés is accused of having tampered, as he did with the mother. If so, this can hardly be Saavedra’s wife, but a Tabascan child; yet Marina’s master would not have presented a woman incumbered with a child when he sought to do honor to the Spaniards. Saavedra allows Marina to proceed to Spain with her husband, who procured for her a high position at court. Here she died, leaving several children, from whom descended some of the first families in Spain. Dic. Univ., ix. 778. But this authority is too full of blunders to be relied upon. Ideal portraits are given in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 65, and Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 350.
[155] I have said, as the native record interpreted by Tezozomoc and Duran relates, that the fleet is sighted and reported long before it reaches San Juan de Ulua—from Tabasco, says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., ii. 114. Montezuma, who had already begun to hope that the strangers would never return, becomes sad with apprehension; yet he orders special relays to be stationed on the route to the coast, in order to bring speedy news, commands his lieutenant to furnish the strangers with all they need, and sends Tlillancalqui, the messenger who met Grijalva, to ascertain their object. He is instructed to declare that Montezuma holds the throne as mere deputy at the disposal of the white god, for he supposes that it is Quetzalcoatl, as before. If the god intends to proceed to Mexico the roads will be cleaned, and the towns and stations prepared for his accommodation. Tlillancalqui delivers his message, together with a necklace of gold set with precious stones, and in his eagerness to please the strange beings he offers fowl and tortilla to horses as well as men. Cortés signifies his wish to go to Mexico, and asks that chiefs be sent to guide him. Tlillancalqui hurries back with the message, leaving orders to supply the Spaniards with all they desire. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 389-96; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 250-3. According to the version by Sahagun and Torquemada, Montezuma sends the same messengers whom he despatched the year before to seek Grijalva, but who arrived too late. Their names are Yohualychan, the leader, Tepuztecatl, Tizahua, Huehuetecatl, and Hueycamecatleca. With them are sent the presents already prepared for Grijalva, and the sacerdotal vestments of Quetzalcoatl. On reaching the flag-ship they inquire for their king and god Quetzalcoatl. At first surprised, Cortés the next moment catches the clue. Seating himself on an improvised throne, surrounded by a large suite, he orders the messengers to appear. Being told that he is the personage whom they seek, they prostrate themselves, kissing the deck. The leader thereupon addresses him: ‘Welcome, god and master; long have we, your servants and vassals, waited for you. Montezuma, your vassal and lieutenant, sends us to salute you, and begs the acceptance of this small present and these precious ornaments, once used by you as our king and god.’ They now array him in the vestments of Quetzalcoatl, adding also many ornaments pertaining to the gods Tezcatlipoca and Tlalocatecuhtli, as if to proclaim him the greatest of the gods. The most attractive pieces are a bejewelled and plume head-dress, and a necklace of precious stones. ‘Is this all the gift of welcome that you bring?’ asks Cortés. ‘Lord and king, it is all that was given us for your Majesty,’ was the reply. They are given food and accommodation for the night. In order to impress upon them the full extent of Spanish power, they are tied hands and feet while the horses are exhibited, the arms displayed, and the guns fired. They are then told that the white men have heard the fame of Mexican warriors, as able to overcome ten or even twenty times superior numbers, and desire a proof thereof by fighting them in equal force. Swords and shields are given them, but they decline, pleading their character as mere envoys. They are thereupon insulted as cowards, and told that the white men will descend upon their country, kill all who resist, take possession of the government, and secure better presents than those sent them. The messengers now hurry back to Mexico without informing any one on the way of what has occurred. Torquemada, i. 381-4; Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 7-11; Sigüenza y Góngora, El Fenix, MS., 273-8.
[156] Teudilli, or Quitaluor, from Cotosta, is Gomara’s corrupt form. Hist. Mex., 39. Herrera calls Teuthlille the chief governor, and Pitalpitoe a chief. dec. ii. lib. v. cap. iv. Teutile, captain-general, and Pilpatoe, governor. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 119. Teotlili arrives on Monday. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 286. ‘Tendile, y Pitalpitoque eran Gouernadores de vnas Prouincias que se dizen, Cotastlan, Tustepeque, Guazpaltepeque, Tlatalteteclo, y de otros pueblos que nueuamẽte teniã sojuzgados.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. He means, however, that Tendile is the chief governor. Pinotl had evidently left. Cuetlachtlan province appears to have extended from Rio Papaloapan, or Alvarado, to Rio de la Antigua.
[157] Ixtlilxochitl and Gomara place the number attending at over 4,000.
[158] Here Solis takes Bernal Diaz to task for asserting that mass had been already said on Friday. Hist. Mex., i. 121. But the scholar is too severe upon the soldier, whose head is true enough, however may be his tongue.
[159] ‘All Gomara’s fictions,’ sneers Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 484, who ignores Marina’s ability to interpret, and thinks the interview was limited to the simplest expressions conveyed by signs.
[160] Carta del Ayunt., ubi sup., 19. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 39-41, while he does not refer to a helmet, states that Cortés asked for gold, as a remedy for heart disease, from which he and his men were suffering.
[161] ‘Dexo alli dos hombres principales, como capitanes, con hasta dos mil personas entre mugeres y hombres de servicio, y fuese a Cotosta.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41. He left over 1000 to wait upon the Spaniards, and over 1000 to carry supplies. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 482; Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26, supposes that Teuhtlile went in person to Mexico, but not so Gomara and Ixtlilxochitl.