[162] ‘Y desque viò el casco, y el que tenia su Huichilobos, tuuo por cierto, que eramos del linage de los que les auian dicho sus antepassados, que vendrian á señorear aquesta tierra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. This statement is followed by a cut at Gomara for giving unreliable information. Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141. The native version of Sahagun and Torquemada describes how the messengers are sprinkled with fresh human blood, as customary with important bearers of news, before presenting themselves before Montezuma. They arouse his admiration by speaking of the wonders beheld, of the penetrating swords, the sulphurous smell of the thunder smoke, and of the intoxicating food; but when they relate how outrageously they have been treated and how the strangers threatened to conquer the country, then the emperor wept, and with him all the city. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., i. 12-13; Torquemada, i. 385-6; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 515-18. Brasseur de Bourbourg incorporates all this native version in his narrative, and allows Teuhtlile to reach Mexico with his report a few days after these messengers, thus confirming their account. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 75-6. Duran writes that on hearing of Cortés’ eagerness to obtain guides for Mexico, Montezuma began to grieve deeply over the prospect of having to resign and die. The envoy consoled him by representing the benignity of the white gods, but he nevertheless set about to arrange for the safety of his children. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 396-7; Tezozomoc, Hist. Mex., ii. 253.
[163] Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 287-8; Camargo, Hist. Tlasc., 141-2; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. ix. Torquemada refers to the similar mistake of King Hezekiah of Judea, in exhibiting to the Assyrian envoys his wealth, and thus attracting invaders, i. 391, 404.
[164] This seems an incredibly short time in a country without horses, for Mexico lies over 200 miles by road from this part of the coast; but with numerous relays of runners and litter-bearers the distance would not take long to cover. ‘Estas mensajerias fuerõ en vn dia, y vna noche del real de Cortés a Mexico, que ay setenta leguas y mas.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 41.
[165] Torquemada. 389, assumes this to have been in token of divine adoration, but the ceremony was a quite common mark of respect for distinguished persons. See Native Races, ii. 284. ‘Nos llamaron Teules ... ó dioses.’ ‘Hence when I say Teules, or Gods, it may be understood to mean us,’ says Bernal Diaz with conscientious pride. Hist. Verdad., 32. But the teu or teo prefix to names must be accepted in the same light as the incense burning, and in this case equivalent to ‘hero.’ See also Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 19. ‘Demonios’ is Oviedo’s translation of teules, iii. 500.
[166] Some writers doubt the ability of native painters to have given a sufficiently accurate portrait; but with the aid of explanatory signs there was little difficulty.
[167] Some of them were checkered, which to Peter Martyr is a sufficient proof that the Mexicans played chess, dec. v. cap. x.
[168] Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 29. ‘Pessaba la de oro quatro mill y ochoçientos pessos ... tenia nueve palmos y medio de anchura é treynta de çircunferençia,’ says Oviedo, who inspected the presents at Seville, evidently with mathematical precision, iii. 259. ‘Pesaua cien marcos, hecha como Sol, y con muchos follajes, y animales de relieue.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., describes the central figure as a king enthroned, surrounded with foliated ornaments. In the above Carta del Ayunt. a peso de oro and a castellano are shown to be equivalent, and a marco contains fifty castellanos. Writers differ widely in their calculations to reduce these coins to modern values, Prescott estimating the castellanos at $11.67 in United States money, and Ramirez, in a critical note thereupon, at $2.93. Prescott’s Mex., i. 321; also edition Mex. 1845, app. ii. 79-92. See note on coins in Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i. 192-3. Clemencin, in Mem. Real Acad. de Hist., vi. illust. 20, 525-45, enters fully into the subject.
[169] Weighing 48 marcos. Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit. ‘De cincuenta y tantos marcos, ternia de gordor como un toston de á 4 reales,’ says Las Casas, who examined the gifts in Spain. Hist. Ind., iv. 485-6. ‘Otra mayor rueda de plata.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 26. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 16, 449, misunderstanding Diaz, places the value of this disk at 20,000 pesos or £5000.
[170] Monarq. Ind., i. 390. ‘Valdria el oro y la plata que allí habia 20 ó 25,000 castellanos, pero la hermosura dellas y la hechura, mucho más.’ Las Casas, ubi sup. ‘Podia valer este presente veynte mil ducados, o pocos mas. El qual present tenian para dar a Grijalua.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 42. ‘Q’lo reparta cõ los Teules que cõsigo trae,’ says Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, intimating that another present was coming for the white emperor; but it was applied to the expedition treasury like nearly everything obtained by trade or seizure. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. v; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 115. Brasseur de Bourbourg estimates the gold disk alone at 357,380 francs. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 85. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. ix., gives a detailed description of several of the presents.
[171] This time the presents for the chiefs were some embroidered shirts, silk sashes and other things, while to the emperor he sent a Florentine goblet, gilt and enamelled with figures, three Holland shirts, and some bead articles, not a very costly return for what he had received. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., enumerate the presents given to them. ‘Teudilli ... le rogo mucho, q pues estaua mal aposentado en el cãpo y arenales, se fuesse con el a vnos lugares seys o siete leguas de alli.’ But Cortés declined to leave the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 43.