Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puertocarrero, Alvarado and his brothers, Ávila, Olid, Escalante, and Francisco Lugo, he laid the situation fairly before them. Shortly after these captains were out among the men, holding forth to them privately on the wealth of the country, the ease and glory of conquest, and the prospect of repartimientos. Where was the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely they might as well hold the country for themselves as to abandon it and let others step into their places. It would be much easier to increase the present force by adding to it than to raise a new army better appointed or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argument of religion, which, however hollow in practice, was weighty enough in theory. “Elect therefore to remain,” they said in conclusion; “and choose the able and generous Cortés for your general and justicia mayor till the emperor decides in the matter.”[181]
The opposition was by no means ignorant of these manœuvres, and Ordaz was commissioned to remonstrate with Cortés. He dwelt on the danger of present colonization, denounced any attempt to ignore Velazquez, and insisted on instant return. Suppressing the anger naturally arising from these insinuations, true as they were, Cortés disavowed any intention of exceeding the instructions of his commission. For himself he preferred to remain, as, among other reasons, the only means of reimbursing himself for his heavy expenditures. If, however, it was the will of the army to return, he would yield. A few hours later appeared an order to embark the following day for Cuba. This, as was intended, brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their visions of honors and repartimientos dispelled; even the men so lately clamorous to return were not prepared to find their request so readily granted. Would it not be well to think further of the matter, and perhaps devise a plan to cover the emergency? After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared in force before the captain-general and demanded the revocation of the order. They had left Cuba with the declared understanding that a colony was to be planted, and now they were informed that Velazquez had given no authority to settle. And if he had not, were not the interests of God and the king paramount to the order of any governor? And did not this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobeying instructions in this very regard? With no small satisfaction Cortés saw that he was safe; then urging calm deliberation he graciously promised delay,[182] which was employed first of all in impressing on their minds how indispensable he was to their success.
Finally before the assembled army the captain-general appeared and said: That he had invested his whole fortune in the fleet, and controlled it; yet he was willing to subordinate his individual interest to that of the whole. He had given the order to return because he understood such to be the will of the majority. As this was not the case, he would gladly remain; for God who had ever been with them was now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any wished to return, let them freely speak, and a vessel would be at their disposal. What magic power ruled, that, when the disaffected majority were thus given their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander remained more potent than ever?
A colony being thus decided on, the founding ceremony was performed by the quasi laying out of a town, the planting a pillory in the plaza, and a gallows at some distance outside,[183] though strictly speaking, the town was not properly located or laid out till afterward. Referring to the treasures here obtained, and to the day of landing, the new town was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.[184] Cortés, as commander, appointed the municipal officers,[185] naming for alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious selection, both for his own interests and as likely to meet general approval. And here again is displayed the subtle policy of Cortés, who to this important position nominates but one from among his own faction, Montejo being for Velazquez. Thus of an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at the same time the entire Velazquez party.[186] The regidores were Alonso de Ávila, Pedro and Alonso de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval; procurador general, Francisco Álvarez Chico; alguacil mayor, Juan de Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside these were appointed, in the interests of the military department, as capitan de entradas Pedro de Alvarado; maestre de campo, Cristóbal de Olid; alférez, Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; tesorero, Gonzalo Mejía; contador, Alonso de Ávila.[187] Nearly all these men were devoted to Cortés, and were therefore a powerful point d’appui for his project.
Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and the men of Cortés, Spaniards all, for the same God and the same king, had of their own volition determined here to plant a Spanish settlement, and had so planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the absence of any higher authority, the captain-general had chosen temporary officers for the new commonwealth. This was all. These men had elected to transform the army into a civil society, for temporary or permanent purposes as the case might be; and they had done so. But about their leader? What position did he occupy? A general without an army, de facto at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let him cut his own knot.
Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortés appeared and surrendered his commission. Authority, chief and absolute, was now vested alone in the ayuntamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus he retired.
It was then in order, on the part of the municipality, to choose a chief ruler and representative of royal authority. This could be done by the council alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons, it would be better to secure the appointment by popular vote. Cortés felt safe enough either way. A glowing eulogy delivered by a fluent speaker was followed by such noisy demonstrations that the opposition found no opportunity to express their opinion.[188] The following day a committee was sent to apprise Cortés of his election,[189] in the name of their Catholic Highnesses, to the offices of captain-general, and of justicia mayor of the town. On appearing before the council to take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortés, giving as reason for the appointment his loyalty, his worth, and his talents. The commission which was then given granted him one fifth of all treasure acquired by trade or conquest, after deducting the royal fifth. This was in consideration chiefly for his services as leader.[190] Exitus acta probat. Las Casas insists that, since Cortés had no authority to form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento was illegal, and consequently their election of him. No one supposed for a moment, least of all Cortés, that these proceedings were regular. They were but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara’s version Las Casas failed to understand that the appointment was conferred by the popular majority in the name of the king, which though not strictly legal threw over all the color of law. Beside, with consummate skill Cortés made it appear that the expedition obliged him to act as he did; and if these manœuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were the means of weaving a strong bond between the men and their leader, such as King Charles and all his ordinance-makers never could have created. Cortés was no longer the chief of Velazquez’ expedition, but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as the army might now be termed, and removable only by the power that placed him there, or by the emperor.[191]
Although opposition was now in vain, the adherents of Velazquez loudly denounced the whole affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and refused to acknowledge Cortés as their leader. So abusive did they become that open rupture was imminent. The leaders of this faction were Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and the priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt action, Cortés seized the first two, with a few others, and sent them on shipboard in irons, while Alvarado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly adherents of the disaffected leaders.[192] They found a fertile country, and several small towns. The inhabitants fled at their approach, leaving signs of recent human sacrifices in the temple. In one building, with pyramidal foundation several feet in height, were found a number of fine rooms, some filled with grain, beans, honey, and other provisions; others with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned in instances with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders nothing was touched save food. The report brought back of the beauty of the country, together with the ample supplies obtained, tended toward harmony; and while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to the new order of things, Cortés with his usual tact won over nearly all his adversaries. Some he bribed, some he flattered; others were allured with hopes of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with such fire in his veins, he could so control it; for however treacherous Cortés knew them to be, seldom a sign escaped him that he suspected them. Even the imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power, aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among his devoted sustainers.[193]
And now came to pass an event such as the gods not unfrequently fling their favorites, which was materially to brighten the prospects of the Spaniards. While preparing their removal to a new harbor, and shortly after the Mexican withdrawal from intercourse, Bernal Diaz brought in from his outpost five Indians, different in dress and features from any hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large gold rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears, nose, and lower lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexican, explained the purport of their visit. The deeds of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country, they had been sent to see these valiant beings, and invite them to their city a few leagues distant.[194] Questionings revealed that the Totonacs were a subjected nation, languishing like others under the oppressive yoke of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome deliverance.
It must be remembered that Cortés and his companions were wholly in the dark as to the power and positions of the interior nations. Now for the first time a little light was shed on the subject. It appeared that the mighty monarch, with whom took place the late interchange of courtesies, had enemies who, if not as powerful as himself, were still strong, and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this adverse influence be utilized and joined to other adverse influences for the humbling of the great interior power? Possibly Montezuma might grant Cortés audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the plan of the conquest was conceived. The messengers were dismissed with presents and the assurance of a speedy visit.[195]