[569] ‘En ocho dias todos estuuieron presos en la cadena gorda.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80. This author includes the lord of Matlaltzinco, who escaped his pursuers the longest, and when finally brought before the emperor spoke his mind so freely that he would have been consigned to the executioner had not Cortés interfered. Duran adds the lord of Xochimilco instead of the last two. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 444. ‘Pigliò ancora il Re di Tlacopan, i Signori d’Iztapalapan, e di Cojohuacan, fratelli tutti e due del Re Motezuma, due figliuoli di questo medesimo Re, Itzquauhtzin Signor di Tlatelolco, un Sommo Sacerdote di Messico, e parecchj altri.’ Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 107.
[570] ‘Se llamò Don Carlos.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 80; at a later period, most likely. ‘Surnommé Tocpaxochitl ... bâtard de Nezahualpilli.’ Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 258. Cortés calls him a son of Cacama, Cartas, 98, but this he afterward corrects. The native records, in Sahagun, Hist. Gen., ii. 277, and in Ixtlilxochitl, ignore him. The latter, indeed, assumes that Cacama continued to reign, though captive like Montezuma. Hist. Chich., 299 et seq.
[571] Herrera gives the speeches on the occasion. dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iii. ‘Era mas bien quisto, que no Cacama.... Y Cortes hazia reyes, y mandaua con tanta autoridad, como si ya vuiera ganado el imperio.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 133. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl at once managed to obtain control of the weak youth and of the government.
[572] ‘El tiempo andando veremos si tenemos otra mejor respuesta de nuestros Dioses, y como vieremos el tiempo assi harémos ... presto os dirè lo que mas non conuenga.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81.
[573] The latter had probably tendered his submission in order to retain the throne. Ixtlilxochitl names Cacama as the Tezcucan king present.
[574] Cortés, Cartas, 98-9. ‘Demos gracias a los dioses, q̄ an venido en nuestros dias los q̄ tãto desseauamos,’ et seq. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 134.
[575] ‘Tenia del oraculo de sus dioses respuesta muchas vezes ... q̄ perderia la silla a los ocho años de su reynado, y q̄ por esto nunca quiso hazer guerra a los Españoles,.... Bien que por otro cabo lo tenia por burla, pues auia mas dezisiete años q̄ era rey.’ Gomara, Hist. Max., 134-5; Acosta, Hist. Ind., 502-3.
[576] Cortés, Cartas, 91, 98-9; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. iv.; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580-1. The allegiance was tendered before Secretary Pedro Fernandez. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Solis assumes that Montezuma of his own accord offered allegiance and tribute, in the hope that this would fill the measure of the Spaniards’ expectations and cause them to depart. In that case the general grief must have been well counterfeited. He regards this act as giving legality to the conquest. Hist. Mex., ii. 23-32. Prescott supposes that the submission was prompted less by fear than by conscience—conscientious obedience to the myth. Mex., ii. 198. Oviedo looks on the tears as evidence of unwillingness, and thinks that either the emperor was very pusillanimous, or the will of God clearly manifest, iii. 297. According to Ixtlilxochitl the kings and caciques were required to leave hostages for the observance of their oath. ‘Cacama, y con él sus dos hermanos, Cohuanacochtzin y Ixtlilxochitl, segun las relaciones y pinturas de Tezcuco, dieron en rehenes á cuatro hermanos suyos y otras tantas hermanas.’ He names the brothers, and states that Montezuma also had to leave sons and brothers. Hist. Chich., 299-300. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes, from a resemblance in the surname of the new king of Tezcuco to that of one of his brothers’ hostages, that he had already been forced to abdicate in favor of Cohuanacoch and Ixtlilxochitl, and surrender himself to the Spaniards. One of his sisters, baptized as Doña Juana, became the mistress of Cortés, as Ixtlilxochitl observes, and ‘périt dans la nuit de la retraite, enceinte du fait de Cortès.’ Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 262. The readiness with which Spaniards ventured, often singly, all over the country to exact tribute and to inquire into resources and the condition of affairs, would indicate that the prudent general had taken the precaution of obtaining living guarantees.
[577] ‘Luego mandó que le diese los españoles que queria enviar, y de dos en dos y de cinco en cinco los repartió para muchas provincias y ciudades.’ Cortés, Cartas, 100.
[578] According to the Tezcucan records, twenty Spaniards were sent with two of the king’s brothers, Nezahualquentzin and Tetlahuehuezquititzin, to collect the tribute of that city. As they were leaving Mexico, Montezuma despatched a messenger to the former prince, enjoining him to treat the Spaniards well and to obtain a large sum. This whispered advice was assumed by the Spaniards to hide a plot, and laying violent hands on the prince, the leader carried him to Cortés, who had him hanged at once. The king was of course deeply grieved, but dared not say anything. Guided by another brother, Tepacxochitzin, the Spaniards reached Tezcuco, and behaved outrageously. With the aid of Ixtlilxochitl they seized the contents of the royal treasury, filling with the gold a chest two fathoms in height and length, and one in width. After this they compelled the chiefs to contribute as much more. Ixtlilxochitl assumes that Cacama is the king, and that the deed occurred before allegiance was sworn, and seven weeks after the Spaniards’ arrival at Mexico. Hist. Chich., 298; Id., Rel., 388-9, 411-12. Brasseur de Bourbourg repeats this story in substance, though he corrects it by stating that Montezuma interfered and saved the prince. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 252-3. Herrera writes that ‘the servant’ sent to guide the Spaniards disappeared on the way. He was caught and hanged by order of Cacama, who gave them a more trusty attendant. They were received at Tezcuco with great pomp, and presented with female slaves. A large amount of gold, pearls, and other valuables was obtained, and 80 carriers were sent to Mexico laden with honey, which Cortés distributed, while he kept the treasures, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. According to Vazquez de Tapia, 15,000 pesos in gold were obtained from Tezcuco, beside some jewels and cloth. Not satisfied with this, Cortés sent Cacama in charge of Alvarado to exact more. But little being obtained, boiling pitch was applied to the stomach of Cacama before he was sent back to Mexico. Alvarado denies this outrage. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 3, 35-6, 65.