[626] At the review in Cempoala, New Spain, were found 80 musketeers, 120 archers, 600 infantry, and 80 horsemen. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. Cortés was told by Guevara that there were 800 infantry, including 80 archers and 120 musketeers. Cartas, 116. Oviedo has only 800 men, but with 200 horses, iii. 508, while Bernal Diaz raises the totals to 19 vessels, with 1300 to 1400 soldiers, including 80 horsemen, 90 archers, and 70 musketeers, but not counting the sailors. The artillery of guns was in charge of Captain Rodrigo Martin. Hist. Verdad., 86-7. Clavigero adopts 18 vessels, 800 infantry, 85 cavalry, over 500 sailors, and 12 guns. Storia Mess., iii. 113. Aillon vaguely mentions ‘over 600 Spaniards in sixteen vessels.’ ‘Sin que yo lo supiese, llevaron hasta mil indios.’ Carta, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 337; and Tapia says 1000 and odd men. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587. The figures from the review in New Spain must be increased by the number lost with six of the vessels off that coast, and this may be what Bernal Diaz attempts to do, although he evidently makes the estimate too high. Agustin Bermudez was alguacil mayor, and Cortés’ old friend, Duero, managed to join as contador. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. i.
[627] Eighty Spaniards had been landed, and a number of Indians, but most of the latter, together with a large proportion of the natives, had died of small-pox introduced by the Cubans. To judge from Aillon’s report he appears to have allowed a number of Spaniards to remain, with a view to make there a calling-place for ships, and which might serve as a base for operations tending to the conquest of Yucatan. He refers to the latter country as an island adjoining Ulua, which he believes is a continent, lying near the land discovered by Solís and Yañez. Carta de Audiencia, Aug. 30, 1520, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 338.
[628] ‘Se ahogaron cinqüenta ombres é los demas escapamos con harto riesgo.’ Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 338-9. Montezuma informed Cortés of this shipwreck, ‘é le mostró en una manta pintados diez y ocho navíos, é los cinco dellos á la costa quebrados é trastornados en el arena.’ Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586. ‘Tuuo vn viento de Norte ... y de noche se le perdio vn nauio de poco porte, que dio al traues; Capitan ... Christoval de Morante ... y se ahogó cierta gente.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87.
[629] Aillon was among the first to arrive, Narvaez and the other captains coming in during the following two days. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 339. Hence Prescott’s date of April 23d is somewhat too accurate. Brasseur de Bourbourg assumes that a landing is effected on April 20th. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 276. Cortés states that the news reached him in the beginning of May. Cartas, 113. Taking four days to travel to Mexico, the fleet arrived eight days after the ship-building party had left the capital. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 138; Alaman, Disert., i. 109. Narvaez’ agent in Spain states that the fleet numbered eleven vessels on arrival. Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 437.
[630] Three of the men left in Chinantla, ‘que se dezian Ceruantes el chocarrero, y Escalana, y ... Alonso Hernandez Carretero.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. xviii. Porras gives several and different names. Cortés, Residencia, ii. 500. Cortés appears to say that they were the men sent by him to bring news of Narvaez and who deserted. Cartas, 115. Aillon speaks of one man who came on board of his vessel. Finding that Cortés had instructed the Indians to regard any foreign arrivals as inimical, this man was sent to reassure them. Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 339. It appears probable, however, that Cortés’ expectation of messengers from his king was known to the Indians.
[631] ‘Alçauan las manos a Dios, que los librò del poder de Cortés, y de salir de ... Mexico, donde cada dia esperauan la muerte ... y aũ dezia el Cervantes, ... O Narvaez, Narvaez, que bien avẽturado que eres ... que tiene esse traidor de Cortes allegados mas de seteciẽtos mil pesos de oro, y todos los soldados estan mui mal con el.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 87.
[632] This was speedily abandoned for a camp at Cempoala. Aillon wanted merely a camp to be formed near a well supplied town. The municipal officers were: ‘Alcaldes hordinarios á Francisco Verdugo, cuñado del dicho Diego Velazquez, casado con una hermana suya, é un Juan Yuste, su cuñado é mayordomo, é regidores á Diego Velazquez é Pero Velazquez, sus sobrinos, é á Gonzalo Martin de Salvatierra é Juan de Gamarra.’ Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 342.
[633] ‘Conocian en el Narvaez ser la pura miseria, y el oro, y ropa ... todo se lo guardaua.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 89, 87. According to Oviedo’s version Montezuma held a council, wherein some members favored the plan of attacking and killing the Spaniards then in Mexico, so as to prevent a junction of forces. This might frighten the rest into departing. Others, who were more confident, urged that the new arrivals should be allowed to come to Mexico, so as to swell the list of victims for the sacrifices, and this proposition was carried, iii. 509. Oviedo’s informant evidently ignores the declared object of Narvaez; or, like Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 64-6, he does not believe that any communication could have taken place, for want of an interpreter. But Solis forgets the three deserters, and Indian mediums, perhaps. Prescott takes the peculiar ground that for Montezuma to ‘have entered into a secret communication, hostile to the general’s interests, is too repugnant to the whole tenor of his conduct.’ Mex., ii. 236. Cortés states that Father Olmedo had evidence of communication and interchange of presents between Montezuma and Narvaez. Cartas, 120-1. Others confirm this, as: Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 587; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 141-2; Carta del Ejército de Cortés, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 428-30. The position of the emperor as prisoner, and the speedy succession of events, did not permit the relationship between the two to develop.
[634] Francisco de Lugo being actually secured with shackles. Tirado, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6; Cortés, Cartas, 118; Carta de Audiencia, in Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col. Doc., xiii. 342. Oviedo reviews Velazquez’ conduct in this instance, and concludes that, since Cortés gave him the men and appointed him captain, he was bound to obey this his immediate principal, unless royal orders to the contrary had been exhibited. ‘Si aquel capitan, Johan Velazquez de Leon, no estoviera mal con su pariente Diego Velazquez, é se passara con los çiento é çinqüenta hombres, que avia llevado à Guaçacalco, á la parte de Pámphilo de Narvaez, su cuñado, acabado oviera Cortés su offiçio.’ iii. 316-17.
[635] ‘Alonso de Vergara, escribano, é con Antonio de Maya.’ Demanda de Ceballos, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 439; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 88, writes Amaya; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 168, 412.