Beside these there were a number of summer resorts in the neighborhood, conspicuous among them the fine palace of Tezcocingo, a prototype of Chapultepec, and like it overlooking the capital from a hill, two leagues to the east. An aqueduct of stone supplied two reservoirs on the summit, whence the water was distributed over grounds intersected by canals with meandering currents and picturesque cascades. The palace lay almost hidden within groves of gigantic cedar and cypress, revealing to the rapt beholder pavilions of marble, tessellated pavements, and playing fountains with statuary of unique form.[754]
The Spaniards found none to welcome them, but were allowed unmolested to take up their quarters in the palace. Shortly afterward a canoe arrived from Mexico[755] with an imperial messenger and a Spaniard,[756] bearing the cheering news that everything had been quiet in the capital for some time, and that supplies, which had been scantily furnished only against heavy payments, had now become more liberal. Montezuma sent word that the city would return to its normal condition the moment Cortés entered it, and he expressed a hope that no ill-will would be entertained toward him for what had happened, since this had been beyond his control, and had grieved him as much as the Spaniards. Reassuring messages were forwarded to Villa Rica.
After a stay of four days the army proceeded from Tezcuco by the northern shore of the lake, and camped for the night at Tepeyacac, the terminus of the northern causeway from Mexico.[757] On entering this place the horse of Solis, Casquete, stepped into a hole on the bridge and broke a leg, throwing its rider into the water. This was looked on as a bad omen, particularly by an astrologer soldier named Botello, but Cortés made light of it, saying, “Troubles at St John’s festival bring peace for the year.”[758] The following morning, St John’s day, the army entered the capital. On all sides an ominous silence prevailed. The streets were deserted, the houses apparently abandoned, and the solitary native occasionally seen hovered in the distance like a shadow.[759] It was also noticed with apprehension that many of the canal bridges were removed. On approaching the Axayacatl palace the arrival was heralded by trumpet blasts, which called forth responsive shouts from the garrison. Throwing open the gates, the besieged received their deliverers with the most extravagant demonstrations of joy.[760] For greater accommodation a part of the troops were quartered in the great temple adjoining the fort.
The unpleasant aspect of affairs, so apparent during the last days of the march, had ruffled the temper of Cortés, and his treatment of Alvarado was not altogether cordial. Still, as he had ever been a close friend, and as he was an invaluable officer, brave and influential, he deemed it prudent to go no further than to express a curt disapproval of his rashness.[761] Indeed, an inquiry into the causes and results of the massacre could criminate Alvarado no further than the Cholula affair did himself. The captain had acted in full accord with his party, and whatever blame might attach must be shared by all. Dissension would never answer, and so the matter was dropped. But the ill-temper which the general dared not wreak on his own men found a ready object in Montezuma. The conduct of Cortés in this respect was most ungenerous. It shows the several sides of humanity: how odious in some respects are those who appear to the best advantage in other respects. This poor king had a superstitious sympathy, a maudlin affection for the captain, who, considering his own infamous conduct toward him, might at least have saved the captive unnecessary mental suffering. As Cortés entered the fort Montezuma stepped out of his apartment to welcome him. The cavalier passed by the king in lofty disdain, ignoring his presence. Cut to the quick, the monarch shrank back, apparently more stunned by this treatment than by the late terrible slaughter of his subjects.[762] He retired deeply chagrined to pour his sorrow into Olmedo’s ear. “What can I do?” he cried; “he loves gold and fame, and I will give him a life-size equestrian statue of himself in gold if he will but be kind to me.”
With the arrival of the main forces supplies were stopped, as if in protest, and Cortés became only the more irritated. Accordingly, when two chiefs appeared on behalf of the emperor to ask for an interview they were repulsed with the insulting epithet of ‘dogs!’ Velazquez and other officers remonstrated against the policy of this rudeness to one who had interfered to save his troops. “What consideration can I have for a dog?” was the dastardly rejoinder. “Was he not willing to treat with Narvaez, and does he not now seek to starve us?” Persuaded presently of the necessity for imperial interposition, he addressed the chiefs roughly, “Tell your master, Montezuma, to order markets to be held at once, or there will be trouble.” His tone and gesture were sufficient indications to the chiefs of the insults offered to them and their august lord, and they failed not to give them full force in their report. In answer to the demand Montezuma said that he and his chief officials were prisoners, and that nothing could be effected without the release of one among them. Cortés saw the necessity, and, without considering the result, released Cuitlahuatzin, lord of Iztapalapan, the emperor’s brother, and generalissimo of the army, a man whose hostility to everything Spanish was well known. According to Aztec law he was the most probable successor to the throne, and therefore particularly dangerous.[763]
Cortés was becoming foolhardy. Whether the brothers were in accord upon the measures to be adopted is uncertain; but Cuitlahuatzin, who was not only bold, but ambitious, had evidently determined on his course. If the Mexicans had hoped for better prospects with the arrival of Cortés that hope was now dissipated, and bitter indignation filled their breasts. Cuitlahuatzin was welcomed as a liberator. His constant efforts in the imperial council to oppose the admission of the Spaniards, by force if necessary, and his services for the cause of liberty and religion in connection with the Cacama revolt, were sufficient to endear him to his brother patriots. Strongly urged, he accepted the leadership of the insurgents, a position for which his experience and success as a general had well fitted him. He began by ordering war material and erecting barricades. The value of the Chinantec pikes introduced by Cortés had not been lost on him, and a number were provided, barbed with the vitreous iztli. Arrangements were made with adjoining towns and provinces for a supply of provisions and reinforcements to carry on the holy war.[764]
The Spaniards soon learned what was brewing, and first in this way: Ojeda and Marquez, when out foraging early in the morning of the day following their arrival, observed several suspicious circumstances, among others broken bridges, which in one place obliged them to fill up a canal before crossing it. Here and there they saw large collections of slings and other weapons, and presently they came on a priest with dishevelled hair shouting with wild gesticulations to a crowd of armed men. They hurried back to inform the general, guided through intricate cross-streets by a Tlascaltec. Antonio del Rio, who had been despatched for Villa Rica the same morning, returned at a gallop in less than half an hour, excited and bleeding. The streets, he said, were full of warriors, who had raised the bridges and were apparently prepared to attack. Had it not been for his trusty sword and swift horse he would have been slain. At this moment the sentinels in the towers announced the approach of a vast multitude from different directions, with gleaming iztli weapons, and speedily the neighborhood was alive with warriors, whose yells rose high above the shrill shell and doleful drum.[765] Even if they did not inspire the full measure of dread intended they presented a striking picture in their painted bodies, grotesque with patterns and brilliant colors, with no covering among the rank and file save the raw cotton on the head and the universal maxtli round the loins. They were protected in part by the chimalli, or shield, a slight bamboo frame covered with gaudily colored skin or reed-grass, chiefly oval and round, and often large enough to cover the whole body. Secured to the arm it left the hand free to hold the bow or stone, while the right managed the arrow or the sling. The latter was an implement of great effect with the Aztecs, who could impel the stone with wonderful precision and force. The maza, or club, with its knotty head, and the macana, or sword, toothed with iztli, were well represented, while high above gleamed the obsidian or copper points of the spear. One of the most dreaded weapons was the tlacochtli, or javelin, often provided with three points, and attached to a cord by which it could be recovered for a fresh cast. Conspicuous among the warriors were the nobles, those that were left of them, in lofty quetzal plumage on a head-dress of green feathers set in tiger-skin, or in a gold or silver band, which gave the appearance of metal helmets. The body was covered in corselets of red, green, or yellow feathers, worked with gold, and so arranged as to indicate the company or district to which the wearer belonged. Beneath gleamed occasionally cuirasses of gold or silver. The limbs were covered with wood or leather armor set with feathers or gold plates. A more common body armor was the cotton tunic, one or two fingers in thickness, which extended to the knees and elbows. It was almost equivalent to the quilted cotton protector used on the eastern coast, whose efficiency against native weapons had caused the Spaniards to adopt it. The tunic was adorned with feathers, which corresponded to the uniform in color and arrangement, usually in the form of an animal. Many were distinguished by casques in the form of eagle-heads, and in armor spotted like a tiger-skin, indicative of the two orders of Quauhtin and Ocelome, eagles and tigers. At the head of the different columns appeared officers with small drums, painted and adorned with feathers, with which they directed the march. Beyond, in the centre of the masses, could be seen banners, with devices in various colors and forms, which the Tlascaltecs pointed out as belonging to different wards and to cities on the mainland, a sign that an extensive body of troops had been enlisted for the war.[766]
As the forces drew near, slingers and bowmen appeared on the roofs of the neighboring buildings, who, together with those below, began to send stones, arrows, and darts in showers upon the fort. The Spaniards responded with a series of volleys, the number of cannon being increased to twelve or more. The effect was merely to startle them for a moment, and on they pressed over dead and dying, amid encouraging shouts, till they reached the sides of the wall, where the dreaded cannon, at least, could not destroy them. All attempts to scale the wall proved futile, and soon their efforts were confined to effecting breaches. With their rude implements this was slow work, but they persevered with reckless obstinacy, reinforced at frequent intervals, while the main body kept up a galling discharge of missiles, and occupied the attention of the besieged with continual charges at different points.
This passive or defensive policy did not suit the Spaniards, while it encouraged the Aztecs. Therefore two corps were formed, each of two hundred men, besides allies, under Cortés and Ordaz. Clearing a path with a volley of artillery, they sallied in different directions to drive back the assailants, who hurried for safety into lanes and houses, and behind barricades. This comparative freedom of advance appears to have been permitted to entice the Spaniards into a disadvantageous position, for soon the natives reappeared in swarms in the rear and along the flanks, showering arrows and stones, and coming to close quarters with spears and swords. The heaviest attack was from the roofs, on which large supplies of missiles had been collected, and from which commanding position the enemy was able to direct the discharges with terrible effect, particularly upon the naked Tlascaltecs. Several Spaniards also fell, and the greater number were wounded. Ordaz received three cuts, and Cortés a wound which maimed two fingers of the left hand.[767] The assailants were comparatively safe, for those on the roofs could be picked off only by archers and musketeers, and those below took refuge when pressed, only to return to fresh attack. Efforts were made to fire the houses, but this was slow work, since they were constructed almost wholly of adobe or stone, and were filled with defenders. Nor would the fire spread, owing to the detached form of the buildings, separated by alleys or canals, so that the torch had to be applied to each.
Thus matters continued until Ordaz, who was engaged on the street to the west of the fort, sent word to Cortés, who was pressing forward in the direction of the Iztapalapan causeway, that he was losing ground. Leaving his own forces, the general hurried to the scene with a few horsemen, and heading the charge, drove back the warriors at the most exposed point, so as to relieve the infantry in the retreat which was now found necessary. Returning to his men he found them also retreating, those who headed the column, including Andrés Duero, the Cuban secretary, having been cut down. “Shame upon you!” exclaimed Cortés to the corps, as he led the horsemen to the rescue of the fallen cavaliers. He was just in time to save them, for a moment more and Duero, at least, would have been slain. The elated warriors fell back before the charge of the terrible Malinche, although they soon recovered. Cortés then concluded to retreat, but this proved no less dangerous than the advance, and among others Lezcano was dragged from his horse and killed, after having distinguished himself for bravery and execution. The fort had meanwhile sustained an active siege, and when the retreating corps approached it they found more enemies in waiting, who, fearful of losing their prey, rushed forward with greater fury than ever. An entrance was finally effected, the forces in the temple being at the same time withdrawn for the greater safety of themselves and the fort.[768]