Swelling with triumph the Aztecs now directed all their efforts against the Spanish quarters. Burning arrows and whirling brands began to mingle with their missiles. Although the building itself was of stone, the roof and portions of the outwork, and the Tlascaltec camp in the yards, were of inflammable material, and more than once the flames burst forth, filling the whole place with suffocating smoke, and calling for the greatest exertions to subdue them. The little water at hand could not be spared, and so earth was cast up, and portions of the wall were torn down to check the fire and to stop the gaps. The assault continued all day, till darkness sent most of the warriors to their homes.[769]
FOOTNOTES
[744] Which speaks little to the credit of either Mary or Santiago. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102. ‘Otro miraglo ... é fué muy notorio.’ ‘Ya sé que los incrédulos ... dirán que mi ocupaçion en esto de miraglos, pues no los ví, es supérflua ... é yo hablo que esto é más se puede é debe creer;’ for did the Indians have mysteries and miracles, surely God, the virgin, and the saints could effect greater deeds. Oviedo, iii. 511. He quotes from Livy and others concerning the reliable miracles of Roman times. Prescott and others transfer the miracles to the siege under Cortés for greater effect. Bustamante, the modern champion of the shrines of Mexico, who is ready to uphold any deed attributed to these images, is rather incredulous about miracles recorded in favor of Spanish cutthroats. See Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., i. 283 et seq. ‘Si no oviéssemos miedo de esse del caballo blanco, ya vosotros estaríedes coçidos,’ cried some, Oviedo, iii. 511, while the more valiant added that ‘con todo esto si no soltays a Motecçumacin, y os vays luego, presto sereys muertos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 152.
[745] Cortés, Cartas, 127. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101-2, says seven, two having been taken alive. ‘Mataron a Peña, el querido de Motezuma,... Valdibia, y Juan Martin Narizes.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.
[746] ‘Tuvieron guerra con los yndios en esta Cibdad dos medios dias que fueron jueves e viernes.’ ‘Guerra casy dos dias.’ Lopes and Flores, in Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, 131, 134. ‘Dieron bateria los Mexicanos á los Españoles siete dias, y los tuvieron cercados veinte y tres dias.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 29. ‘Cercados los españoles ocho dias.’ Id. (ed. 1840), 105. ‘Pelearõ y combatieron la casa diez dias arreo.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151. Torquemada explains this by assuming two days of fighting and eight days of close siege, with attacks upon all who sallied, i. 490. Sahagun states that Itzquauhtzin, governor of Tlatelulco, accompanied Montezuma to the roof and spoke to the people, representing that the Spaniards, as the mightier race, would inflict great injury on them unless they ceased to fight, and that the emperor would be murdered. The Mexicans responded with insults and missiles, but as the soldiers interposed their shields no harm was done. They appear to have stopped active operations, however. Hist. Conq., 28-9. The insults and missiles belong no doubt to the later siege under Cortés. Duran states, however, that Montezuma was henceforth looked on as an accomplice of the Spaniards, and discarded as a ruler, it being resolved to kill him and his family. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 463. According to Oviedo the news came at this time of the victory over Narvaez, ‘é Monteçuma mandó á los indios que dexassen de pelear é dexassen venir los otros chripstianos, porque á todos juntos matassen; é aquesto se cree que fué su intento.’ iii. 512. That he may have urged this with intent or as a bait is not unlikely, but it should apply equally to Narvaez’ men, since it appears that their defeat could not yet have been known. When known, however, it must have had its effect. ‘Quando supieron nuestra vitoria, cessarõ de dalle guerra.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101. Yet Gomara writes that on learning of the large forces coming against them, the besiegers resumed the attack at one time. Hist. Mex., 151.
[747] This spring was rediscovered during the reign of Viceroy Revilla Gigedo. Bustamante, Mem. Piedad Mex., 7. A pool of sweet water was the chief inducement for founding the city on this site in 1325. Native Races, ii. 559-61; v. 345 et seq.
[748] Cortés, Cartas, 126. The Spanish messenger from Mexico returned wounded. Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. v. With him, or about the same time, arrived four chiefs sent by Montezuma to complain that Alvarado had attacked the nobles without cause. While defending themselves six soldiers had fallen. Cortés told the chiefs with stern countenance that he was returning to investigate the matter. A letter was sent to Alvarado enjoining him to guard the emperor closely. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 101.
[749] And the zealous aid of Velazquez de Leon, who did so much toward securing the Goazacoalco command for Cortés when Narvaez sent letters to win it over. Cortés, Residencia, i. 409; ii. 6, 31, 165-6. He is accused by his enemies of impiety and licentiousness, and as one whom the general favored above more worthy men. Solis assumes that Sandoval nominally retained the command of the coast province, Rangel being merely his lieutenant. Hist. Mex., ii. 108.
[750] ‘Llegò aquel dia [the first] à la Rinconada, el segundo caminò siete Leguas ... llegò à Tlaxcalla à diez y siete de Junio.’ Torquemada, i. 492. Herrera tells a long story of suffering from hunger and thirst during the march through the desert. Marquez and Ojeda were sent ahead to Tlascala for supplies, and came back with 1200 carriers laden with fowl, bread, fruit, and other refreshments. Cortés, among others, was found starving, and a number were discovered on the road almost dead. All, it seems, were rescued. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii. There are several reasons for believing that Herrera, who is somewhat confused about this period, has confounded the present march with the flight from Mexico to Tlascala of a month later, when the people were really starving. This seems confirmed by the erroneous statement that the troops arrived at Tlascala July 17th, the time, according to Herrera’s own later statement, when they reached that place after the flight. The account also intimates that the starving army was met among the Otomí settlements, where food could readily be obtained, without the necessity for Marquez and Ojeda to go ten leagues farther, to the capital, to obtain it. These and other discrepancies are overlooked by all who refer to the march. Prescott dwells in particular on the suffering from thirst, forgetful of the statement on a previous page that the rainy season had begun about three weeks before, and that water must have been abundant along the whole route. Solis finds that the effeminate followers of Narvaez endured the suffering remarkably well. Hist. Mex., ii. 109.
[751] ‘Embiò a fray Bartolome de Olmedo ... a Motezuma.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii. It is unlikely that so valuable a man would have been sent while affairs were threatening.