[752] Narvaez landed with about 900 soldiers, including 80 horsemen, 120 with bows, and 80 with fire-arms. A number had been picked up at Cozumel, but an equal proportion perished by shipwreck. Cortés had about 250 men, and 200 were probably left on the coast, of garrison, guards, and invalids. To the 950 soldiers thus taken may be added at least 150 from the crews of the dismantled or destroyed vessels. Prescott manages to mysteriously increase the horses and projectile arms beyond what he previously assigns to Narvaez and Cortés. One thousand infantry, 100 horsemen, and many allies, say Gomara and Herrera. The Probanza de Lejalde, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., i. 425, indicates 80 horses. Bernal Diaz places the figures as high as 1300 soldiers, including 96 or 97 horsemen, 80 archers, 80 musketeers, and 2000 Tlascaltec warriors; while Cortés, with a prudent desire to cover the subsequent losses at Mexico, reduces them to 500 infantry and 70 cavalry. Solis gives the reason of the profound historian for the small number of allies taken to Mexico: ‘Por no escandalizar á Motezuma, ó poner en desesperacion á los rebeldes.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 111.
[753] The arrival at Tezcuco is evidence enough that a more northern road was taken than the one previous. The middle route by Telapon appears somewhat more direct for Mexico, but requires a detour to reach the Acolhua capital, and it is not likely that an army in hurried march could afford to go out of its way. Hence the Calpulalpan road must have been followed.
[754] See Native Races, ii. 162-3, 168-73, 569; v., passim; Motolinia, Hist. Ind., 181-3.
[755] Cortés writes that he was on the point of sending a Spaniard to Mexico with Tezcucan rowers, a chief being taken as hostage, but just then came this canoe. Cartas, 127.
[756] Two, named Santa Clara and Pedro Hernandez, says Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.
[757] ‘Parò en Tepeaquilla, lugar a legua de Mexico.’ Id. Now the shrine of Guadalupe. Prescott assumes that the Iztapalapan road was taken, as before, but it was avoided probably because Cortés feared the fort Xoloc, which guarded the centre. It was also longer, and had more movable bridges than the other causeways.
[758] ‘Riñas por San Iuan pazes para todo el año.’ Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 139. The following day a dress was found hanging from a beam, and in a square a pile of bread, with over 500 fowl, without a guard. This Cortés considered less favorable, and said ‘que serian riñas de por San Iuan.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. vii.-viii.
[759] ‘Para dar á entender con esto que ellos estaban de guerra y muy ofendidos de los españoles que él habia dejado.’ Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 108. His account of deserted streets, applied to Cortés’ first arrival in Mexico, belongs no doubt to this occasion. Duran argues that had the massacre taken place before Cortés’ arrival he would not have been allowed to enter. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 470. Equally in the dark is Acosta, who assumes that the Indians were openly at war, but the custom being to rest every fourth day, Cortés managed to enter during the cessation of hostilities. Hist. Ind., 522. Oviedo looks on the non-resistance of the Indians as a wile to entrap all the Spaniards. iii. 510.
[760] Herrera writes amusingly that Cortés shouted before the closed gates, ‘Open!’ ‘Who is there?’ demanded Alvarado. ‘I,’ replied Cortés. ‘Do you come with full liberty, and power to command, as before?’ ‘Yes, and with victory, and greater forces.’ Alvarado thereupon opened, kissed his hand, and surrendered the keys! dec. ii. lib. x. cap. viii.
[761] ‘Con que aventuró la mayor parte de sus fuerzas.’ Solis, Hist. Mex., ii. 120. Or perhaps because he had not had recourse to some safer measure, such as arresting the leaders of the proposed plot, for hostages. ‘Le dixo muy enojado, q̄ era muy mal hecho, y grande desatino, y poca verdad ... no le hablò mas en ello.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 102. Cortés would hardly have told him that he lied, since his statements were confirmed by so many; they certainly were years after. Vetancurt supposes that Cortés told him he should have allowed the emperor to attend the festival, and should have awaited the attack rather than opened the war. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 140. ‘Dissimulo por no enojar a los que lo hizieron.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 151.