[808] According to the version of the rabid Duran, based on native paintings and narratives, the bodies of the prisoners were found in the fort after its evacuation, that of Montezuma with five stabs in the breast. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 477-9. Acosta seems rather to favor the story, improbable as several of its points are. Hist. Ind., 524. To some extent it rests on the statement repeated by Ixtlilxochitl, which assumes that Cacama, who had made himself particularly obnoxious to the Spaniards, was killed with 47 stabs before the fort was evacuated. Hist. Chich., 301. A more severe account is found in a manuscript fragment in Ramirez’ collection, written by a Tezcucan, wherein it is related that a sword was thrust into the intestines, ‘por la parte baxa.’ The body was thereupon taken to the roof, as if to address the people. A stone struck the head, and now the Spaniards proclaimed that this had caused the death. Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, x. 362. This is substantially repeated in Ixtlilxochitl, Rel., 457. A stronger testimony, however, comes from Sahagun, who states that Cortés recommended to his followers the murder of the prisoners in order to terrify the natives and to assume the mastery. ‘Y lo primero que hicieron, fue dàr Garrote à Motecuhçuma, y à Itzquauhtzin, Señor de Tlatelolco, y à otros.’ Version in Torquemada, i. 498, and in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. [ed. 1840], 113. The issue, modified by the censor, merely states that the bodies were found near a stone, Teoaioc, outside the fort. Id. [ed. 1829], 31. This account has received its chief support in the quasi admission of Torquemada; and when he, the otherwise zealous champion of the conquerors, takes such a view, others may be pardoned for accepting it. ‘Y que esto aia sido asi, puede ser posible, pues para tenerse por seguros, le avian prendido; y viendo agora, que no bastaba la prision, vsarian de este vltimo medio, para vèr si le aplacaban, y atemoriçaban estos Mexicanos.’ i. 498-9. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts the version, and adds that Montezuma was told of his fate and urged to accept baptism. ‘On répandit aussitôt la nouvelle de sa mort comme s’il eût expiré naturellement.’ Hence even the soldiers did not know of the murder. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 330-1. Bustamante, of course, adopts anything Sahagun may say against the Spaniards; and Carbajal takes Torquemada’s view, Hist. Mex., ii. 375, as does Beltrami, eager for any sensation. Mex., ii. 145. Vetancurt seeks to reconcile conflicting opinions by assuming that when Montezuma died Itzquauhtzin and several other prisoners were murdered and cast out together with the emperor’s body, in order to terrify the Mexicans and occupy their attention while the Spaniards hurried away. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 142. ‘Io non posso persuadermi,’ says Clavigero, ‘che gli Spagnuoli si risolvessero a toglier la vita ad un Re, a cui doveano tanti beni, e dalla cui morte non potevano aspettarsi, se non molti mali.’ Storia Mess., iii. 131. Solis cannot believe Cortés guilty of an act so bad and reckless. Hist. Mex., ii. 150-1. Prescott disposes of the charge as an ‘absurdity’ and a ‘monstrous imputation.’ Hist. Mex., ii. 321. It must be considered, however, that the Spaniards did seek to profit by the death; and scruples about ‘killing a dog of an Indian,’ as they had so lately termed him, could not have weighed with such men when their interests were concerned; how much less when their lives were at stake? The whole argument, then, may be said to depend on the question whether Montezuma was more valuable as captive or as corpse. If the people manifested little respect for the living ruler, the Spaniards could have had no reason to expect more for the dead. His death would only have loosened the bond which still restrained a vast number, whether of kindred or of mere subjects, and given the hostile leaders fresh motives and strength for their operations. Besides, Montezuma must have retained a great influence outside the city, which a fugitive army would have found of service. The recognition of this influence is shown by the efforts made to save the imperial children, as noticed even by the most rabid accusers of the Spaniards. It may be mentioned that no charge is brought forward in the residencias either against Cortés or Alvarado.
[809] Apanecatl, according to Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 332. Bernal Diaz sends these men to carry the news of the death, and following them were six high personages and most of the captive priests, carrying the body. Hist. Verdad., 105.
[810] Stones were thrown upon the cortege, and it was driven from quarter to quarter. Finally Apanecatl took refuge in the palace where Cuitlahuatzin held forth, and appealed to him, only to be repulsed by his courtiers. The body was nevertheless secured by a friendly party. Manuscrit Nahuatl, 1576, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 333.
[811] ‘Hicieron todas las solemnidades que solian hacer ... Mocthecuzoma lo enterraron en México ... algunos decian mal de Mocthecuzoma porque habia sido muy cruel.’ Hist. Conq., 31. ‘Vimos q̄ hizierõ muy gran llanto, q̄ biẽ oimos las gritas, y aullidos q̄ por èl dauan.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. ‘Hizieron muy gran llanto, para enterrar al rey en Chapultepec.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 154. Herrera combines these two authorities in saying ‘le deuieron de enterrar en el monte de Chapultepèque, porque alli se oyò vn gran llanto.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x. He forgets that Chapultepec lay three miles off. Torquemada corrects Herrera, and insists that the ‘Copalco’ was the place. He gives specimens of the insults offered during the cremation, i. 499. ‘Estaban indignados contra él.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 301. It has been asserted by some, says Duran, that the ashes were scattered to the winds, as unworthy of preservation. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 479. Acosta attempts a modification by stating that the body being contemptuously rejected, a servant burned it, ‘y puso sus cenizas dõde pudo en lugar harto desechado.’ Hist. Ind., 524. The burial-place has certainly not been pointed out to posterity. According to Sahagun, the body of Itzquauhtzin was ‘cast forth’ from the quarters, together with that of Montezuma, and was taken in charge by his subjects of Tlatelulco, by whom he was greatly beloved and mourned. ubi sup. To ‘cast forth’ the bodies could have been only a needless insult, which Cortés was too prudent to inflict on the people.
[812] ‘Que alçassen a su primo del Monteçuma, que con nosotros estaua, por Rey.’ Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. ‘Dixo Cortes ... el se queria hallar a sus honras.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. x.
[813] Prescott, following Clavigero, assumes that the whole was an artifice to liberate the two captive priests, one of whom was indispensable in the event of a coronation. Mex., ii. 338. Brasseur de Bourbourg supposes that the parley was conducted by the party favorable to the Spaniards, and duped by the stronger faction, which never intended to adhere to the arrangement. Hist. Nat. Civ., 321.
[814] ‘Como los peones estaban cansados y heridos y atemorizados; ... ninguno me siguió. A cuya causa, después de pasadas yo las puentes ... las hallé tomadas.’ Cortés, Cartas, 134. Where had he left his prudence?
[815] ‘Hallé á todos los de caballo que conmigo iban, caidos en ella, y un caballo suelto.’ Id.
[816] With a loss of over twenty men. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 105. This author places all the fighting on the causeway on one day, a Thursday, the day of evacuating Mexico, and the day following the surrender of Montezuma’s body. Herrera, who is far more confused, has a sally on this day in three directions, one being the Tlacopan road; but the operations on the latter route are only partially told, and the rest referred to the third day of the siege. There are also several contradictions to aid in confusing the many who follow him. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. Prescott abandons himself to the guidance of Clavigero for the occurrences of these days, but embellishes the narrative with some incidents belonging to the siege of Alvarado.
[817] ‘Botello ... afirmò que ... supiessen que moriria el o su hermano, y algunos de la cõpañia, y qui se saluaria el Capitan, y otros muchos, y ninguno si salian de dia.’ Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xi. ‘Hora lo creyesen, hora no.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 159. ‘Anteponendo le vane osservazioni di quel meschino Soldato alla luce della prudenza militare,’ is the indignant comment of Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 135. But there is no doubt that ‘military prudence’ had more weight in the matter than Botello’s words, and that the result was not due to his advice. Solis casts the blame of crediting the ‘ignorant charlatan’ Botello chiefly on the majority of the council, to whom Cortés yielded. Hist. Mex., ii. 171-2. In order to lull any suspicions among the Mexicans, says Bernal Diaz, a leading priest and some other captives were sent to the Mexican camp with a proposal to surrender all the gold if the Spaniards were allowed to leave in peace eight days later. Hist. Verdad., 105.