[914] ‘Entrarian en parte de todas las rentas de las provincias sugetas por el imperio.’ Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 304.
[915] ‘Tanto supieron decir á la señoría estos embajadores, que casi toda ella, ... la redugeron á su voluntad y deseo.’ Old Xicotencatl being one of the most devoted. Id. Herrera also assumes that this chief favors the Mexicans, but the supposition is due to confounding the two men of this name. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[916] ‘A q̄ venistes, a comernos nuestra hazienda, anda que boluistes destroçados de Mexico, echados como viles mugeres.’ Id.
[917] Bernal Diaz assumes that the young chief had been brought before the council a prisoner, to be arraigned for his machinations. His father was so deeply incensed against him as to decree his death, but the other chiefs were lenient out of respect for the father; the conspirators were arrested. Hist. Verdad., 109-10. A later writer states, on doubtful authority, that the chieftain was also removed from the command of the army; and Solis assumes that the act of jostling him down the steps in the council-hall was the form of degradation, which took place during a special session, after the deliberation. He appealed to Cortés, who caused him to be reinstated. Hist. Mex., ii. 220-3. According to Camargo, the elder Xicotencatl had ceded his place as ruler to the son, owing to his advanced age. Hist. Tlax., 173-4. In such a case no imprisonment or degradation could have been admitted; perhaps in no case, since he merely advocated what he considered to be the best for the country. Duran states that he was surrendered to Cortés, who ‘le puso en prisiones, y creo que al cabo le mandó matar,’ Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 485, a statement which may have aided to confuse Gomara, who allows Cortés to execute him already during his first stay at Tlascala. On the present occasion he lets Maxixcatzin strike the leader of the opposite faction. Hist. Mex., 90, 164. His blunder and vagueness helped Herrera to confound the two Xicotencatls, and Brasseur de Bourbourg to attribute to father and son the same opinion. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 365-7. This is also the view of Ixtlilxochitl. The discussion was held in the hall or oratory of Xicotencatl, where Cortés had planted the cross. While Maxixcatzin was advocating the Spanish cause a cloud settled on the cross and darkened the room. This miracle encouraged the orator, who threw down the younger Xicotencatl and won all to his side. The Mexican envoys were now dismissed with a refusal, whereupon the cloud dissipated, leaving the room bright and the cross resplendent, and attracting many believers. Hist. Chich., 304-5. Sahagun allows Xicotencatl, chief among the lords, to attack the second lord for urging the murder of the Spaniards. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 138.
[918] With reference to the attack on Xicotencatl in the council-chamber, Herrera says, ‘Sin tener los Mexicanos otra respuesta se boluieron, con relacion de lo que passaua,’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv., a sentence which Clavigero elaborates into a flight of the envoy on observing the agitation of the people. ‘E’ però da credersi, che il Senato mandasse degli Ambasciatori Tlascallesi per portar la risposta.’ Storia Mess., iii. 149. Prescott and others also suppose that they fled; but this is unlikely, since personages so conspicuous as envoys could hardly have escaped from the centre of the republic without the knowledge of the senate, who had, beside, given them a guard, as well for their honor and protection as for preventing the undue exercise of their curiosity. Envoys enjoyed great respect among these peoples. Camargo and Ixtlilxochitl assume more correctly that the envoys were notified and dismissed.
[919] Tlascala sealed her enslavement, as some view it, ignoring national interests for the sake of shameful revenge. Behold now the punishment in her decay, and in the odium cast on her descendants by other peoples. So says Bustamante, in Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 140. They have certainly dwindled away ever since Cortés began to scatter them as colonists in different directions; but this was the natural and inevitable consequence of the presence of the stronger element. During Spanish dominion they enjoyed some slight privileges, and since then no odium has attached to them except in casual references to the conquest by prejudiced writers.
[920] ‘En nombre de todos.’ Gomara, Hist. Mex., 166. Whereat Bernal Diaz is exceedingly wroth. ‘We, the old soldiers, stood by Cortés,’ he asserts, ‘and Gomara’s omission to say so is intended to exalt him at our expense.’ Hist. Verdad., 110. Cortés himself intimates that the request was general. Cartas, 142. But Herrera more justly attributes it to ‘la mayor parte.’ dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[921] ‘Si mal nos sucediere la ida [of the next campaign] hare lo que pedis: y si bien, hareis lo que os ruego.’ Thus Cortés, by his skill and firmness, saved not only the conquest but the lives of his men, which must have been sacrificed in a retreat. Had they reached Villa Rica they would not have remained there, but would have passed on to the islands, thus abandoning the country. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 167. Most of the points in the above speech are to be found in the lengthy harangue prepared by this author. Oviedo’s is weaker, and loses itself in repetitions and crude elaborations, adorned with learned references ill suiting a soldier addressing rude men, although not altogether inconsistent with Cortés’ love of display. Toward the conclusion is said: ‘If any one there is who still insists on leaving, let him go; for rather will I remain with a small and brave number than with many, if composed in part of cowards and of those who respect not their honor. Even if all fail in their duty I shall not. We shall now know who, being of us, will drink water from the hand, and who will kneel to drink with the face to the ground, so that they may be bidden to depart, as God said to Gideon.’ Oviedo, iii. 332-3. The test, if ever intended, was not made, since all acquiesced. Solis, the inveterate speech-maker, has unaccountably subsided for this period; perhaps he is piqued at finding himself so fully anticipated. Cortés gives a brief synopsis of what he indicates to have been a long speech. On no account would he commit so shameful, dangerous, and treasonable an act as to abandon the country. Cartas, 142-3; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 151; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xiv.
[922] ‘Habiendo estado en esta provincia veinte dias, aunque ni yo estaba muy sano de mis heridas, y los de mi compañia todavía bien flacos, salí della.’ Cortés, 143. Gomara follows, while Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 110, writes that after a stay at Tlascala of 22 days Cortés announced the determination to march on Tepeaca, which provoked murmurs from the men of Narvaez. Preparations for the campaign appear to have intervened before the march began, and negotiations with the province to be assailed. Herrera intimates that fully 50 days had passed before negotiations were opened. dec. ii. lib. x. cap. xv.
[923] ‘Significa Tepeyacac, remate, o punta de zerro,’ owing to the position of the city at the end of a mountain range. Id., cap. xxi.